When, during the Revolution, the French government committed to supporting the education of Deaf people, they left it to teachers to determine the methods and contents of this education. Less than a century later, the Ministry of the Interior of the third Republic reformed the teaching in use in most institutions in the direction of methods of pure speech. This moment coincided with the development of new categories to classify children in relation to the educational project, especially ‘backward’ and ‘abnormal’ at the turn of the twentieth-century. While Deaf writers did not oppose the teaching of speech, they soon questioned the legitimacy of this reform, and exposed the threats it posed for the development of Deaf pupils. In addition to examining the stakes and the impacts of the political decision, this paper will analyze the development of a poetics of contestation throughout Deaf writing, as manifested in the adoption of a variety of rhetorical strategies, ranging from irony to critical analysis, in the rewriting of the category of abnormality. This article will show how these years of struggle were also years of emancipation, insofar as the acquisition of language became a poetical and political act.
{"title":"The Spectre of Abnormality: Deaf Education and the Poetics of Contestation at the Turn of the Twentieth Century","authors":"Sabine Arnaud","doi":"10.1093/hwj/dbaa031","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbaa031","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 When, during the Revolution, the French government committed to supporting the education of Deaf people, they left it to teachers to determine the methods and contents of this education. Less than a century later, the Ministry of the Interior of the third Republic reformed the teaching in use in most institutions in the direction of methods of pure speech. This moment coincided with the development of new categories to classify children in relation to the educational project, especially ‘backward’ and ‘abnormal’ at the turn of the twentieth-century. While Deaf writers did not oppose the teaching of speech, they soon questioned the legitimacy of this reform, and exposed the threats it posed for the development of Deaf pupils. In addition to examining the stakes and the impacts of the political decision, this paper will analyze the development of a poetics of contestation throughout Deaf writing, as manifested in the adoption of a variety of rhetorical strategies, ranging from irony to critical analysis, in the rewriting of the category of abnormality. This article will show how these years of struggle were also years of emancipation, insofar as the acquisition of language became a poetical and political act. ","PeriodicalId":46915,"journal":{"name":"History Workshop Journal","volume":"92 1","pages":"106 - 129"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43197219","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Inspections of the body’s most intimate surfaces were crucial to rape cases in early modern England. Female medical experts evaluated bruises, lacerations, and stretched skin for evidence of a violation. Yet numerous courtroom investigations seemed to centre around the marks of venereal disease rather than sexual abuse. These cases reframed the focus of inquiry from rape to disease at nearly every step, from witnesses’ accounts of the discovery of rape to courtroom inspections of bodies and clothing. This article examines fifty-nine such cases and argues that placing the poxed body, as opposed to the ravished body, center stage made rape easier to communicate, convict, and condemn. More than a simple proxy for penetrative sex, venereal disease provided a detailed and morally loaded language for talking about otherwise unspeakable acts. And perhaps most importantly, the disease offered tangible, if contested, evidence of rape that could be touched, viewed, and evaluated by male – rather than female – medical experts. Venereal disease effectively refocused rape cases away from the kinds of words and bodily inspections that were viewed with suspicion and onto those that were deemed reliable.
{"title":"Poxed and Ravished: Venereal Disease in Early Modern Rape Trials","authors":"Olivia Weisser","doi":"10.1093/hwj/dbab002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbab002","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Inspections of the body’s most intimate surfaces were crucial to rape cases in early modern England. Female medical experts evaluated bruises, lacerations, and stretched skin for evidence of a violation. Yet numerous courtroom investigations seemed to centre around the marks of venereal disease rather than sexual abuse. These cases reframed the focus of inquiry from rape to disease at nearly every step, from witnesses’ accounts of the discovery of rape to courtroom inspections of bodies and clothing. This article examines fifty-nine such cases and argues that placing the poxed body, as opposed to the ravished body, center stage made rape easier to communicate, convict, and condemn. More than a simple proxy for penetrative sex, venereal disease provided a detailed and morally loaded language for talking about otherwise unspeakable acts. And perhaps most importantly, the disease offered tangible, if contested, evidence of rape that could be touched, viewed, and evaluated by male – rather than female – medical experts. Venereal disease effectively refocused rape cases away from the kinds of words and bodily inspections that were viewed with suspicion and onto those that were deemed reliable.","PeriodicalId":46915,"journal":{"name":"History Workshop Journal","volume":"91 1","pages":"51 - 70"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46989583","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
‘The Lion, the Children and the Bookcase’, Margaret Reynolds C.S. Lewis’s The Lion, the Witch and the Wardrobe and Anne Frank’s diary, or The Diary of a Young Girl, were published in 1950 and 1947 respectively. Frank’s document is a testament to history. Lewis’s story is usually read as a fantasy or Christian allegory. But both books deal with the experience of racial hatred, betrayal, displacement, alienation, loss of identity and the damage inflicted on adults and on children. This article examines the connections, metaphorical and real, that link Frank’s statement of witness to Lewis’s reinterpretation of the effects of the 1939–45 war.
{"title":"The Lion, the Children and the Bookcase","authors":"Margaret Reynolds","doi":"10.1093/hwj/dbab001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbab001","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 ‘The Lion, the Children and the Bookcase’, Margaret Reynolds C.S. Lewis’s The Lion, the Witch and the Wardrobe and Anne Frank’s diary, or The Diary of a Young Girl, were published in 1950 and 1947 respectively. Frank’s document is a testament to history. Lewis’s story is usually read as a fantasy or Christian allegory. But both books deal with the experience of racial hatred, betrayal, displacement, alienation, loss of identity and the damage inflicted on adults and on children. This article examines the connections, metaphorical and real, that link Frank’s statement of witness to Lewis’s reinterpretation of the effects of the 1939–45 war.","PeriodicalId":46915,"journal":{"name":"History Workshop Journal","volume":"91 1","pages":"132 - 156"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48391211","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
How might histories of fascism in interwar Europe help us today? Languages of ‘fascism’ are now constantly in play – as warning and slogan; as emotional rallying-point; as rhetorics of recognition and abuse; as a boundary of legitimate politics – but rarely as carefully informed argument. For effective politics, we need historically grounded analysis that can avert tendentious and direct linkages that may be emotionally satisfying, but stop short of showing how fascism builds its appeal. What makes it seem a desirable ‘extra-systemic’ solution, as an alternative to the practices of democratic constitutionalism? What kind of crisis brings fascism onto the agenda?
{"title":"What is Fascism and Where does it Come From?","authors":"G. Eley","doi":"10.1093/hwj/dbab003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbab003","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 How might histories of fascism in interwar Europe help us today? Languages of ‘fascism’ are now constantly in play – as warning and slogan; as emotional rallying-point; as rhetorics of recognition and abuse; as a boundary of legitimate politics – but rarely as carefully informed argument. For effective politics, we need historically grounded analysis that can avert tendentious and direct linkages that may be emotionally satisfying, but stop short of showing how fascism builds its appeal. What makes it seem a desirable ‘extra-systemic’ solution, as an alternative to the practices of democratic constitutionalism? What kind of crisis brings fascism onto the agenda?","PeriodicalId":46915,"journal":{"name":"History Workshop Journal","volume":"91 1","pages":"1 - 28"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46478323","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This essay reveals the ways that runaways and abolitionists, through their critiques of American prisons in the decades prior to the American Civil War, collectively originated the ideas and practices of prison abolition. It began with fugitive slaves who named slavery the ‘prison house’. Runaways, and the most radical amongst abolitionists, many of whom served time for their activism, used fugitives’ carceral language to grasp the place of prisons within the greater ‘prison house’ of American slavery. They actively assisted others to escape this ‘prison house’. They engaged in projects of prison reform and abolition of capital punishment. They freed incarcerated runaways and abolitionists from jails, and resisted racist policing. In the process, these radicals became disenchanted with the modernizing reform project known as the ‘penitentiary’, in some cases calling for the abolition of prisons and police, alongside the abolition of slavery. In short, because the plantation and the penitentiary merged after the Civil War, abolitionist critiques of both provided the little-studied roots of contemporary prison-abolitionist thought.
{"title":"Runaway Slaves, Militant Abolitionists, and the Critique of American Prisons, 1830–60","authors":"Jesse Olsavsky","doi":"10.1093/HWJ/DBAA033","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/HWJ/DBAA033","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This essay reveals the ways that runaways and abolitionists, through their critiques of American prisons in the decades prior to the American Civil War, collectively originated the ideas and practices of prison abolition. It began with fugitive slaves who named slavery the ‘prison house’. Runaways, and the most radical amongst abolitionists, many of whom served time for their activism, used fugitives’ carceral language to grasp the place of prisons within the greater ‘prison house’ of American slavery. They actively assisted others to escape this ‘prison house’. They engaged in projects of prison reform and abolition of capital punishment. They freed incarcerated runaways and abolitionists from jails, and resisted racist policing. In the process, these radicals became disenchanted with the modernizing reform project known as the ‘penitentiary’, in some cases calling for the abolition of prisons and police, alongside the abolition of slavery. In short, because the plantation and the penitentiary merged after the Civil War, abolitionist critiques of both provided the little-studied roots of contemporary prison-abolitionist thought.","PeriodicalId":46915,"journal":{"name":"History Workshop Journal","volume":"91 1","pages":"112 - 91"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1093/HWJ/DBAA033","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48605574","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines the movement, led by prominent black British activists, which was established in the aftermath of the 1981 New Cross fire. The campaign showed how the racism long experienced by black urban communities eroded trust in state institutions, and it contested the official narrative of the police investigation and a coroner’s inquest through protests and the deployment of alternative forms of expertise. This was not an isolated case. The 1980s was a decade of disasters which led people in marginalized communities to engage in long-running disputes with the state, eroding trust in the truths presented by he state.
{"title":"Truth, Justice, and Expertise in 1980s Britain: The Cultural Politics of the New Cross Massacre","authors":"Aaron Andrews","doi":"10.1093/hwj/dbab010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbab010","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article examines the movement, led by prominent black British activists, which was established in the aftermath of the 1981 New Cross fire. The campaign showed how the racism long experienced by black urban communities eroded trust in state institutions, and it contested the official narrative of the police investigation and a coroner’s inquest through protests and the deployment of alternative forms of expertise. This was not an isolated case. The 1980s was a decade of disasters which led people in marginalized communities to engage in long-running disputes with the state, eroding trust in the truths presented by he state.","PeriodicalId":46915,"journal":{"name":"History Workshop Journal","volume":"91 1","pages":"182 - 209"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42373694","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper considers the meetings of the interwar Pan-African Congress movement. It examines the Congress in the context of how conferencing became a dominant mode of international politics in the 1920s and the opportunities this offered to non-state actors. The Congress exemplified the hope which race reformers placed in the new international system established after the First World War, and in the League of Nations specifically. The paper considers three key conferencing elements in turn: delegates, venues, and resolutions. In each case, organizers mobilized the framework of conferencing to validate their political demands within this international system whilst, also in each case, their constrained circumstances required them to be strategically ambiguous with the facts of their meetings. As such, the paper encourages a broader methodological reflection on how historians approach seemingly unreliable historical sources. I argue that inconsistencies in reports of the Congress are themselves important historical artefacts of the political manoeuvres undertaken by race reformers. Foregrounding these strategies allows us to consider how political authority was circumscribed in the past, the resourcefulness of those on the political margins, and the promise and failure of international governance on the race question in the 1920s.
{"title":"The Elusive History of the Pan-African Congress, 1919–27","authors":"Jake Hodder","doi":"10.1093/HWJ/DBAA032","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/HWJ/DBAA032","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper considers the meetings of the interwar Pan-African Congress movement. It examines the Congress in the context of how conferencing became a dominant mode of international politics in the 1920s and the opportunities this offered to non-state actors. The Congress exemplified the hope which race reformers placed in the new international system established after the First World War, and in the League of Nations specifically. The paper considers three key conferencing elements in turn: delegates, venues, and resolutions. In each case, organizers mobilized the framework of conferencing to validate their political demands within this international system whilst, also in each case, their constrained circumstances required them to be strategically ambiguous with the facts of their meetings. As such, the paper encourages a broader methodological reflection on how historians approach seemingly unreliable historical sources. I argue that inconsistencies in reports of the Congress are themselves important historical artefacts of the political manoeuvres undertaken by race reformers. Foregrounding these strategies allows us to consider how political authority was circumscribed in the past, the resourcefulness of those on the political margins, and the promise and failure of international governance on the race question in the 1920s.","PeriodicalId":46915,"journal":{"name":"History Workshop Journal","volume":"91 1","pages":"113 - 131"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1093/HWJ/DBAA032","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45849038","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
From November 1954 until July 1962, the National Liberation Front (FLN) fought, militarily and diplomatically, to free Algeria from French colonial control. The eventual victory of the FLN was heralded across the globe by other liberation and revolutionary movements, many of whose members then flocked to Algeria, and specifically to its capital city Algiers, hoping to benefit from political support and practical training that would enable them to obtain similar results in their own struggles. In addition to the challenges of building a new nation from the rubble of colonialism in the wake of an extremely violent and destructive war, presidents Ahmed Ben Bella (1962–5) and Houari Boumediene (1965–78) and their socialist regimes thus also had to navigate the expectations surrounding Algeria’s new-found status as the ‘Mecca of Revolutions’, to use anti-colonial activist Amilcar Cabral’s famous phrase. Employed for her language and communication skills first by the FLN and then by the post-independence Algerian government and multiple liberation movements who landed in Algiers, Elaine Mokhtefi was afforded a front row seat to all of the above. From this unique vantage point, her memoir provides personal insights and intimate anecdotes which reveal the human dynamics that animated and shaped some of the major geopolitical events and processes that defined these decades. The book opens in 1951, as twenty-three-year-old Mokhtefi (still Klein) boards a boat in Virginia headed for France, a country she had fallen in love with from afar. Once there, she soon abandons her studies in favour of increased involvement in political activism, continuing a path first embarked upon in the United States when she was a member of the Union of World Federalists. Her introduction to Algeria’s struggle for independence and her associated realization of the hollowness of the French motto ‘liberty, equality, fraternity’, comes after she witnesses the exclusion of Algerian labourers from the annual May Day parade in 1952. Drawn progressively into anti-colonial activism and into the orbit of FLN militants, including Frantz Fanon, she ends up working for the Algerian Office at the United
从1954年11月至1962年7月，民族解放阵线通过军事和外交手段将阿尔及利亚从法国殖民统治下解放出来。民族解放阵线的最终胜利在全球得到了其他解放和革命运动的欢呼，其中许多成员随后涌向阿尔及利亚，特别是其首都阿尔及尔，希望从政治支持和实际训练中受益，使他们能够在自己的斗争中取得类似的结果。除了在一场极端暴力和破坏性的战争之后从殖民主义的废墟中建立一个新国家的挑战之外，总统艾哈迈德·本·贝拉(1962-5)和胡阿里·布梅丁(1965-78)以及他们的社会主义政权也因此不得不驾驭围绕阿尔及利亚新发现的“革命麦加”地位的期望，用反殖民活动家阿米尔卡·卡布拉尔的名言来说。由于语言和沟通能力，伊莱恩·莫赫特菲先是被民族解放阵线雇佣，后来又被独立后的阿尔及利亚政府和在阿尔及尔登陆的多个解放运动雇佣，她得到了上述所有人的前排座位。从这个独特的角度来看，她的回忆录提供了个人的见解和亲密的轶事，揭示了人类的动力，这些动力激发和塑造了决定这几十年的一些重大地缘政治事件和进程。这本书从1951年开始，23岁的莫赫特菲(仍然是克莱恩)在弗吉尼亚州登上了一艘前往法国的船，一个她从远方爱上的国家。一到那里，她很快就放弃了学业，转而更多地参与政治活动，继续她作为世界联邦主义者联盟(Union of World Federalists)成员在美国开始的道路。1952年，她目睹了阿尔及利亚劳工被排除在一年一度的五一游行之后，她开始了解阿尔及利亚争取独立的斗争，并由此认识到法国座右铭“自由、平等、博爱”的空洞。她逐渐被卷入反殖民激进主义和FLN武装分子的轨道，包括弗朗茨·法农，她最终为阿尔及利亚驻美国办事处工作
{"title":"Algiers, Mecca of Revolutions","authors":"C. Eldridge","doi":"10.1093/HWJ/DBAB006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/HWJ/DBAB006","url":null,"abstract":"From November 1954 until July 1962, the National Liberation Front (FLN) fought, militarily and diplomatically, to free Algeria from French colonial control. The eventual victory of the FLN was heralded across the globe by other liberation and revolutionary movements, many of whose members then flocked to Algeria, and specifically to its capital city Algiers, hoping to benefit from political support and practical training that would enable them to obtain similar results in their own struggles. In addition to the challenges of building a new nation from the rubble of colonialism in the wake of an extremely violent and destructive war, presidents Ahmed Ben Bella (1962–5) and Houari Boumediene (1965–78) and their socialist regimes thus also had to navigate the expectations surrounding Algeria’s new-found status as the ‘Mecca of Revolutions’, to use anti-colonial activist Amilcar Cabral’s famous phrase. Employed for her language and communication skills first by the FLN and then by the post-independence Algerian government and multiple liberation movements who landed in Algiers, Elaine Mokhtefi was afforded a front row seat to all of the above. From this unique vantage point, her memoir provides personal insights and intimate anecdotes which reveal the human dynamics that animated and shaped some of the major geopolitical events and processes that defined these decades. The book opens in 1951, as twenty-three-year-old Mokhtefi (still Klein) boards a boat in Virginia headed for France, a country she had fallen in love with from afar. Once there, she soon abandons her studies in favour of increased involvement in political activism, continuing a path first embarked upon in the United States when she was a member of the Union of World Federalists. Her introduction to Algeria’s struggle for independence and her associated realization of the hollowness of the French motto ‘liberty, equality, fraternity’, comes after she witnesses the exclusion of Algerian labourers from the annual May Day parade in 1952. Drawn progressively into anti-colonial activism and into the orbit of FLN militants, including Frantz Fanon, she ends up working for the Algerian Office at the United","PeriodicalId":46915,"journal":{"name":"History Workshop Journal","volume":"91 1","pages":"240 - 247"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1093/HWJ/DBAB006","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42063504","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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