The paper attempts to provide evidence that analogy-based approaches make language change, as well as unstable and variegated forms and word classes easier to grasp than they would be in a traditional synchronic framework or through a rule-based diachronic analysis. The example is the declension of the Lovari dialect of Romani, a dialectally most diverse Indo-European language that is often exposed to contact-related influences. A unique feature of Romani, the strict split between the morphology of inherited and borrowed vocabulary is seen in a new light if we examine the possible analogical processes behind the apparent erosion of this system, and the seemingly high number of inflectional nominal paradigms can be reduced to just two.
{"title":"The nominal morphology of Lovari from an analogical perspective","authors":"M. A. Baló","doi":"10.1556/064.2015.62.4.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/064.2015.62.4.2","url":null,"abstract":"The paper attempts to provide evidence that analogy-based approaches make language change, as well as unstable and variegated forms and word classes easier to grasp than they would be in a traditional synchronic framework or through a rule-based diachronic analysis. The example is the declension of the Lovari dialect of Romani, a dialectally most diverse Indo-European language that is often exposed to contact-related influences. A unique feature of Romani, the strict split between the morphology of inherited and borrowed vocabulary is seen in a new light if we examine the possible analogical processes behind the apparent erosion of this system, and the seemingly high number of inflectional nominal paradigms can be reduced to just two.","PeriodicalId":54157,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hungarica","volume":"62 1","pages":"395-414"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67634565","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper presents the system of Old Hungarian expressions conveying universal or maximal readings, as found in Old Hungarian codices. The main empirical findigs are that (i) the OH suffix-keed could be a (temporal) universal quantifier. Expressions with such suffixes can help reconstruct quantifiers from the head-final stage of Hungarian. (ii) Old Hungarian had bare pronouns that acquired a bound, quantificational reading from long-distance operators. Against such a background, minden is claimed to be a quintessential strong D-quantifier: It could undergo raising, and its scope was flexible (within syntactic islands). (iii) These properties of minden are distinctive within the class of particle + indeterminate pronoun complexes (such as vala-ki lit. ‘vala-who’, ‘somebody’), which could be said to lack quantificational force.
{"title":"The landscape of universal quantification in Old Hungarian","authors":"Ágnes Bende-Farkas","doi":"10.1556/064.2015.62.3.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/064.2015.62.3.1","url":null,"abstract":"This paper presents the system of Old Hungarian expressions conveying universal or maximal readings, as found in Old Hungarian codices. The main empirical findigs are that (i) the OH suffix-keed could be a (temporal) universal quantifier. Expressions with such suffixes can help reconstruct quantifiers from the head-final stage of Hungarian. (ii) Old Hungarian had bare pronouns that acquired a bound, quantificational reading from long-distance operators. Against such a background, minden is claimed to be a quintessential strong D-quantifier: It could undergo raising, and its scope was flexible (within syntactic islands). (iii) These properties of minden are distinctive within the class of particle + indeterminate pronoun complexes (such as vala-ki lit. ‘vala-who’, ‘somebody’), which could be said to lack quantificational force.","PeriodicalId":54157,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hungarica","volume":"62 1","pages":"223-261"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-10-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1556/064.2015.62.3.1","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67634546","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ergativity splits between perfect and imperfective/progressive predicates are observed in languages with a specialized ergative case (Punjabi) and without it (Kurdish). Perfect predicates correspond to a VP projection; external arguments are introduced by means of an oblique case, namely an elementary part–whole predicate saying that the event is ‘included by’, ‘located at’ the argument. A more complex organization is found with imperfective/progressive predicates, where a head Asp projects a functional layer and introduces the external argument. Our proposal further yields the 1/2P vs. 3P Person split as a result of the intrinsic ability of 1/2P to serve as ‘location-of-event’.
{"title":"Ergative case, aspect and person splits: Two case studies","authors":"M. R. Manzini, L. Savoia, Ludovico Franco","doi":"10.1556/064.2015.62.3.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/064.2015.62.3.3","url":null,"abstract":"Ergativity splits between perfect and imperfective/progressive predicates are observed in languages with a specialized ergative case (Punjabi) and without it (Kurdish). Perfect predicates correspond to a VP projection; external arguments are introduced by means of an oblique case, namely an elementary part–whole predicate saying that the event is ‘included by’, ‘located at’ the argument. A more complex organization is found with imperfective/progressive predicates, where a head Asp projects a functional layer and introduces the external argument. Our proposal further yields the 1/2P vs. 3P Person split as a result of the intrinsic ability of 1/2P to serve as ‘location-of-event’.","PeriodicalId":54157,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hungarica","volume":"62 1","pages":"297-351"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-10-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67634174","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper is concerned with repetitive adverbials in Hungarian. It presents an overview of the different Hungarian equivalents of again, addressing their properties and their relevance. One of the goals of this paper is descriptive; it offers a systematic description of Hungarian repetitives. In addition, it provides evidence for two major claims. First, meaning differences (including the restitutive — repetitive ambiguity) are due to structural rather than lexical differences. Second, repetitives do not form a homogeneous set. The possible scope positions and in some cases, the denotation, of repetitive adverbials differs. This difference, in general, cannot be predicted from the morphological makeup of the repetitives, so an independent specification of the unexpected properties is necessary.
{"title":"Re Hungarian again","authors":"Anikó Csirmaz","doi":"10.1556/064.2015.62.3.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/064.2015.62.3.2","url":null,"abstract":"This paper is concerned with repetitive adverbials in Hungarian. It presents an overview of the different Hungarian equivalents of again, addressing their properties and their relevance. One of the goals of this paper is descriptive; it offers a systematic description of Hungarian repetitives. In addition, it provides evidence for two major claims. First, meaning differences (including the restitutive — repetitive ambiguity) are due to structural rather than lexical differences. Second, repetitives do not form a homogeneous set. The possible scope positions and in some cases, the denotation, of repetitive adverbials differs. This difference, in general, cannot be predicted from the morphological makeup of the repetitives, so an independent specification of the unexpected properties is necessary.","PeriodicalId":54157,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hungarica","volume":"62 1","pages":"263-295"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-10-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1556/064.2015.62.3.2","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67634154","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
English represents stress-sensitive consonant lenition systems, in which the onsets of stressed syllables (as well as word-initial consonants) tend to resist diachronic lenition, resulting in synchronic alternations between foot-initial and foot-internal variants. However, there is empirical evidence that a further distinction needs to be drawn between two subtypes of foot-internal positions: one which is weak proper, included within a bimoraic domain (corresponding to the “minimal foot” in prosodic approaches); and a less weak (“semi-weak”) position outside that minimal domain. Crucially, lenition outside the domain implies lenition within, and no cases of lenition in semi-weak only are on record. The paper uses the representations of Strict CV Phonology to capture the equivalence of two forms of the “minimal foot” (the CVCV sequence and the long-vowelled heavy syllable) and to connect this “bimoraicity” of the domain to the implications in consonant lenition, a benefit moraic theory does not offer. At t...
{"title":"Consonant lenition inside and outside the “minimal foot”: A Strict CV Phonology analysis","authors":"Katalin Balogné Bérces","doi":"10.1556/064.2015.62.2.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/064.2015.62.2.2","url":null,"abstract":"English represents stress-sensitive consonant lenition systems, in which the onsets of stressed syllables (as well as word-initial consonants) tend to resist diachronic lenition, resulting in synchronic alternations between foot-initial and foot-internal variants. However, there is empirical evidence that a further distinction needs to be drawn between two subtypes of foot-internal positions: one which is weak proper, included within a bimoraic domain (corresponding to the “minimal foot” in prosodic approaches); and a less weak (“semi-weak”) position outside that minimal domain. Crucially, lenition outside the domain implies lenition within, and no cases of lenition in semi-weak only are on record. The paper uses the representations of Strict CV Phonology to capture the equivalence of two forms of the “minimal foot” (the CVCV sequence and the long-vowelled heavy syllable) and to connect this “bimoraicity” of the domain to the implications in consonant lenition, a benefit moraic theory does not offer. At t...","PeriodicalId":54157,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hungarica","volume":"62 1","pages":"141-155"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-06-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67634130","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Emanuele Banfi & Nicola Grandi: Lingue d’Europa. Elementi di storia e di tipologia linguistica. Roma: Carocci editore, 2012. pp 262.","authors":"Samuel Bidaud","doi":"10.1556/064.2015.62.2.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/064.2015.62.2.5","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":54157,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hungarica","volume":"62 1","pages":"219-222"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-06-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1556/064.2015.62.2.5","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67634485","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper we claim that location and locatum verbs are grammatically different, contrary to some recent analyses (Mateu 2001; 2008; Harley 2005). While aspectual tests are known to distinguish both classes, we adduce new evidence from degree quantification tests pointing in the same direction. In particular, location verbs seem to be change-of-state verbs, and locatum verbs behave rather like degree achievements and unergative verbs of variable telicity. We claim that these differences must be accounted for in the syntactic representation of locative verbs. While location verbs involve an abstract bounded path, articulated through the combination of a Path preposition and a Place preposition, locatum verbs involve an abstract predicative preposition that allows for degree quantification of the root and contextually determined (a)telicity.
{"title":"Location and locatum verbs revisited: Evidence from aspect and quantification","authors":"Víctor Acedo-Matellán, C. Real-Puigdollers","doi":"10.1556/064.2015.62.2.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/064.2015.62.2.1","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper we claim that location and locatum verbs are grammatically different, contrary to some recent analyses (Mateu 2001; 2008; Harley 2005). While aspectual tests are known to distinguish both classes, we adduce new evidence from degree quantification tests pointing in the same direction. In particular, location verbs seem to be change-of-state verbs, and locatum verbs behave rather like degree achievements and unergative verbs of variable telicity. We claim that these differences must be accounted for in the syntactic representation of locative verbs. While location verbs involve an abstract bounded path, articulated through the combination of a Path preposition and a Place preposition, locatum verbs involve an abstract predicative preposition that allows for degree quantification of the root and contextually determined (a)telicity.","PeriodicalId":54157,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hungarica","volume":"62 1","pages":"111-140"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-06-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1556/064.2015.62.2.1","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67633735","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the Samoyedic languages non-visuality is marked by the affixes of a specific Auditive mood that is explored in this paper from paradigmatic and syntagmatic perspectives. The focus is on various usages of the Auditive in its paradigmatic meaning, as well as on correlation of the meaning of this mood with the semantic properties of the predicates it marks. The work also examines the emergence of the Auditive in the functional sphere of other moods, the use of other moods as functional equivalents of the Auditive, and the semantic grounds for these transpositions.
{"title":"Evidentiality in the Samoyedic languages: A study of the auditive forms","authors":"E. Usenkova","doi":"10.1556/064.2015.62.2.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/064.2015.62.2.4","url":null,"abstract":"In the Samoyedic languages non-visuality is marked by the affixes of a specific Auditive mood that is explored in this paper from paradigmatic and syntagmatic perspectives. The focus is on various usages of the Auditive in its paradigmatic meaning, as well as on correlation of the meaning of this mood with the semantic properties of the predicates it marks. The work also examines the emergence of the Auditive in the functional sphere of other moods, the use of other moods as functional equivalents of the Auditive, and the semantic grounds for these transpositions.","PeriodicalId":54157,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hungarica","volume":"62 1","pages":"171-217"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-06-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1556/064.2015.62.2.4","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67634362","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Distinctive vowel length has been only recently re-introduced into the Romani varieties that have been in intimate contact with the various languages of Europe exhibiting vowel quantity. This article describes the process of analogical extension that accounts for certain intra-dialectal variation of vowel length found within the South Central Romani dialect group. The emergence of vowel length by means of this process is demonstrated by the example of the possessive pronouns and the remoteness suffix of Vend Romani, a variety spoken in Western Hungary. This analysis also discusses the phonological and semantic constraints of the examined instances of analogical change.
{"title":"Analogical extension of vowel length in Vend Romani","authors":"Zuzana Bodnárová, Jakob Wiedner","doi":"10.1556/064.2015.62.2.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/064.2015.62.2.3","url":null,"abstract":"Distinctive vowel length has been only recently re-introduced into the Romani varieties that have been in intimate contact with the various languages of Europe exhibiting vowel quantity. This article describes the process of analogical extension that accounts for certain intra-dialectal variation of vowel length found within the South Central Romani dialect group. The emergence of vowel length by means of this process is demonstrated by the example of the possessive pronouns and the remoteness suffix of Vend Romani, a variety spoken in Western Hungary. This analysis also discusses the phonological and semantic constraints of the examined instances of analogical change.","PeriodicalId":54157,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hungarica","volume":"62 1","pages":"157-170"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-06-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67634248","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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