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Excluded from Thought? 被排除在思想之外?
Pub Date : 2018-11-01 DOI: 10.3828/liverpool/9781786940438.003.0008
Adrian May
This chapter takes a more critical stance towards the review to examine its cultural conservatism and reticence towards identity politics. The review’s literary tastes, largely shaped by the legacies of Georges Bataille and Maurice Blanchot, are shown to harbour a sense of artistic exceptionalism which often precludes representations of the everyday, and therefore also limits political solidarity with those usually defended by Lignes. Despite the racial or gendered exclusions it can produce, literary elitism or conservatism is in itself not necessarily criticised, but the hostility to mass culture inculcated by some aesthetic Marxist approaches is seen to be politically unhelpful in the present moment and other approaches to cultural politics in Lignes are sought. After Alain Badiou’s Circonstances 3 caused a row over anti-Semitism and the critique of Israel, it is suggested that the strategic essentialism of Judith Butler provides a more appropriate stance compared to Badiou’s strategic universalism. Lastly, Lignes’ virtual silence on gender and sexuality issues (a stance softening in recent issues) is contrasted to the Parti Socialiste’s progressive measures on parity, PACs and gay marriage.
本章采取更为批判的立场来审视其文化保守主义和对身份政治的缄默。该评论的文学品味,很大程度上是由乔治·巴塔耶和莫里斯·布朗肖的遗产塑造的,显示出一种艺术例外主义的感觉,这种感觉经常排除对日常生活的表现,因此也限制了与利内斯通常捍卫的那些人的政治团结。尽管它可以产生种族或性别排斥,文学精英主义或保守主义本身并不一定受到批评,但一些美学马克思主义方法灌输的对大众文化的敌意在当前被视为在政治上无益,并且在Lignes中寻求其他文化政治方法。在阿兰·巴迪欧的《情境3》引发了反犹主义和对以色列的批判之后,有人认为朱迪思·巴特勒的战略本质主义比巴迪欧的战略普遍主义提供了一个更合适的立场。最后,利内斯在性别和性问题上的沉默(最近的立场有所软化)与社会党在平等、政治行动委员会和同性恋婚姻方面的进步措施形成鲜明对比。
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引用次数: 0
The Communism of Thought 思想的共产主义
Pub Date : 2018-11-01 DOI: 10.3828/liverpool/9781786940438.003.0003
Adrian May
Several important Lignes dossiers in the 1990s retraced the political activities of Robert Antelme, Dionys Mascolo and Maurice Blanchot in the 1950s and 1960s. This chapter restores the narrative of intellectual engagement traced by these significant collections and demonstrates the influence of these figures on the cultural politics and intellectual community of Lignes. Following their radicalisation during the French resistance, Antelme and Mascolo joined the French Communist Party after World War Two, participated in anti-colonial initiatives, recruited Maurice Blanchot to protest the return of Charles de Gaulle to power and the continuing Algerian War, and participated in the events of May 1968. Between Blanchot and Mascolo, two differing vectors of intellectual engagement, one more theoretical and literary and the other more stridently Marxist and materialist, are expounded. Lastly, the influence of Mascolo’s Le 14 Juillet, Blanchot’s Revue internationale and Philippe Sollers’ Tel Quel on Lignes is examined, and Michel Surya’s theorisation of the relationship between literature and politics is described with reference to Bernard Noël.
上世纪90年代,利内斯的几份重要档案追溯了罗伯特·安特尔梅、迪奥尼斯·马斯科洛和莫里斯·布朗肖在20世纪50年代和60年代的政治活动。本章恢复了这些重要藏品所追踪的知识分子参与的叙述,并展示了这些人物对利涅斯文化政治和知识分子社区的影响。在法国抵抗运动中变得激进之后,安特尔梅和马斯科洛在第二次世界大战后加入了法国共产党,参加了反殖民运动,招募了莫里斯·布朗肖来抗议戴高乐重新掌权和继续进行的阿尔及利亚战争,并参加了1968年5月的事件。在布朗肖和马斯科洛之间,阐述了两种不同的智力参与载体,一种更偏向于理论和文学,另一种更尖锐的马克思主义和唯物主义。最后,考察了马斯科洛的《朱丽叶》、布朗肖的《国际评论》和菲利普·索勒斯的《告别》对利涅斯的影响,并参照伯纳德Noël描述了米歇尔·苏里亚关于文学与政治关系的理论。
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引用次数: 0
Combatting the Crisis 应对危机
Pub Date : 2018-11-01 DOI: 10.3828/liverpool/9781786940438.003.0007
Adrian May
This chapter charts the political responses of Lignes in the new millennium, as securitisation methods, crises and states of exception replaced consensual liberalism as the dominant modes of governance after 9/11. Rather than the review’s normal pessimistic stance, a reshuffled editorial board instead emphasised the need to reconstruct active, political agency to resist the governments of Jacques Chirac and Nicolas Sarkozy. An issue devoted to the militant Trotskyist David Rousset set the tone at the start of the new millennium, as Rousset’s experience in combatting concentration camps prompted the review to investigate the controversial use of migrant retention centres on French soil and theories of the State of Exception between Michel Foucault and Giorgio Agamben. New routes to active political agency are then produced, firstly via Jacques Ranciere’s account of the eruption of new political voices and sans papiers activism. Lastly, Alain Badiou’s emphasis on extra-parliamentary politics the Idea of Communism is contrasted to Daniel Bensaïd’s stress on the need for a new, militant political party in the run-up to the 2012 presidential elections.
本章描绘了利内斯在新千年中的政治反应,因为证券化方法、危机和例外状态取代了共识自由主义,成为9/11事件后的主要治理模式。与以往的悲观立场不同,重组后的编委会强调,有必要重建积极的政治机构,以抵制雅克•希拉克(Jacques Chirac)和尼古拉•萨科齐(Nicolas Sarkozy)政府。一篇关于激进的托洛茨基主义者大卫·鲁塞(David Rousset)的文章为新千年的开始定下了基调,因为鲁塞与集中营作斗争的经历促使人们对法国土地上有争议的移民保留中心的使用以及米歇尔·福柯(Michel Foucault)和乔治·阿甘本(Giorgio Agamben)之间的例外状态理论进行调查。新的积极的政治代理途径随之产生,首先是通过雅克·朗西埃对新政治声音和无纸行动主义的爆发的描述。最后,Alain Badiou强调议会外政治的共产主义理念,与Daniel Bensaïd强调在2012年总统选举前需要一个新的、激进的政党形成对比。
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引用次数: 0
French Thought between Liberalism and Fascism 自由主义与法西斯主义之间的法国思想
Pub Date : 2018-11-01 DOI: 10.3828/liverpool/9781786940438.003.0002
Adrian May
Georges Bataille and Maurice Blanchot were two foundational influences on both Lignes and many of the review’s contributors. Yet, in the period after Lignes’ creation in 1987, the political engagements of both these figures in the 1930s were coming under increasingly scrutiny as they were suspected of fascist sympathies and anti-Semitic views. This chapter returns to the pre-war period to firstly delineate the review’s trenchant defence of Bataille’s political record, and the influence of Bataille on Lignes’ dual political program of anti-fascism and a critique of economic and political liberalism is subsequently delineated. Secondly, the significance of the review’s historic defence and recent exposé of the right-wing past of Blanchot is discussed in depth. The reception of these two thinkers is thus historicised, especially in the 1980s context of the anti-totalitarian ‘liberal moment’ and the growing anxieties of intellectual complicity with fascism following the Heidegger affair.
乔治·巴塔耶和莫里斯·布朗肖对利内斯和该评论的许多撰稿人都产生了根本性的影响。然而,在1987年Lignes创作之后的一段时间里,这两位人物在20世纪30年代的政治活动受到越来越多的审查,因为他们被怀疑同情法西斯主义和反犹太主义观点。这一章回到战前时期,首先描述了评论对巴塔耶政治记录的尖锐辩护,随后描述了巴塔耶对利涅斯反法西斯主义和批评经济和政治自由主义的双重政治纲领的影响。其次,深入讨论了该评论的历史辩护和最近对布朗肖右翼过去的揭露的意义。因此,对这两位思想家的接受被历史化了,特别是在20世纪80年代反极权主义的“自由主义时刻”的背景下,以及海德格尔事件之后对与法西斯主义知识分子共谋的日益焦虑。
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引用次数: 0
Power without Politics 没有政治的权力
Pub Date : 2018-11-01 DOI: 10.3828/liverpool/9781786940438.003.0006
Adrian May
Around 1996, the review re-orientated its political critique to examine how the globalisation of financial capitalism had hamstrung the progressive left. Michel Surya’s De la domination described capitalism as a form of domination that exercised a form of power without politics, and decried the moralisation of economics which suggested that as long as businesses behaved well, the global financial system itself was unimpeachable. The chapter demonstrates that Surya’s work was influenced by Jean Baudrillard, but that this latter thinker’s account of a now entirely virtual financial economy increasingly seemed inadequate, and the review turned back to Guy Debord for a more Marxist critique of the alienation produced by contemporary capitalism. After exploring this historical genealogy, the chapter explores the Lignes contributions of Groupe Krisis to see how this Frankfurt School-inspired group both predicted the 2008 financial crisis and provided an apocalyptic account of capitalism’s inevitable demise. Yet this account is also seen to be inherently de-politicising and foreclosing political action, and the chapter closes by contrasting it to the analyses of other Lignes contributors, such as Daniel Bensaïd, especially when discussing the EU treatment of Greece after the financial crisis.
1996年前后,《经济评论》重新调整了其政治批判的方向,审视了金融资本主义全球化如何削弱了进步左翼的力量。米歇尔•苏里亚(Michel Surya)的《德拉统治》(De la domination)一书将资本主义描述为一种统治形式,它在没有政治的情况下行使一种权力,并谴责了经济学的道德化——这种道德化表明,只要企业表现良好,全球金融体系本身就是无懈可击的。这一章表明,苏利亚的作品受到了让·鲍德里亚的影响,但这位思想家对现在完全虚拟的金融经济的描述越来越显得不充分,而评论又回到了居伊·德波,他对当代资本主义产生的异化进行了更马克思主义的批评。在探索了这一历史谱系之后,本章探讨了克里斯集团对利内斯的贡献,看看这个受法兰克福学派启发的集团如何既预测了2008年的金融危机,又对资本主义不可避免的灭亡提供了一种启示性的描述。然而,这种描述也被认为是固有的去政治化和排除政治行动,本章结束时,将其与其他Lignes贡献者(如Daniel Bensaïd)的分析进行了对比,特别是在讨论欧盟在金融危机后对希腊的处理时。
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引用次数: 0
Breaking the Consensus 打破共识
Pub Date : 2018-11-01 DOI: 10.3828/liverpool/9781786940438.003.0005
Adrian May
This chapter turns towards the political concerns of Lignes during its first series, largely focusing on changing immigration policies and the adoption of economic liberalism as the pensée unique of both the right and the left. It situates the early years of Lignes as dominated by the legacy of World War Two, as a rise in holocaust denial, anti-Semitism and racism is accompanied by a resurgence of the far-right and the Front National. Pierre-André Taguieff provided a useful analysis of heterophilic neo-racism early on, but, as Taguieff drifted towards the New Right and showed sympathy to Alain de Benoist, Étienne Balibar’s class based analysis of structural nationalism becomes favoured by the review instead. Turning its attention to the French left, Lignes is frustrated by the tightening of immigration policy suggested by changes to the nationality code, and also by the government’s support for the Gulf War. As the new social movements erupt in 1995, the review takes a firmer position on the side of the radical left, keen to foment social solidarities between the sans papiers and the unemployed, and to forge a more consistent critique of the economic liberalism now adopted by both the Parti Socialiste and the Rassemblement pour la République.
本章在第一章中转向利内斯的政治关注,主要集中在改变移民政策和采用经济自由主义作为右翼和左翼的独特思想。它将利涅斯的早年置于二战遗留问题的主导地位,否认大屠杀、反犹太主义和种族主义的兴起伴随着极右翼和国民阵线的复兴。皮埃尔-安德烈·塔吉耶夫在早期就提供了对新种族主义的有用分析,但是,随着塔吉耶夫逐渐转向新右翼,并对阿兰·德·贝诺斯特表示同情,Étienne巴利巴尔对结构民族主义的基于阶级的分析反而受到了评论的青睐。把注意力转向法国左翼,利内斯对修改国籍法所建议的收紧移民政策以及政府对海湾战争的支持感到沮丧。随着1995年新社会运动的爆发,《评论》更加坚定地站在激进左派的一边,热衷于煽动无业游民和失业者之间的社会团结,并对社会党(Parti socialist)和Rassemblement pour la r publicque所采用的经济自由主义提出更一致的批评。
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引用次数: 0
Immoral, Impure, Atheist Artists? 不道德、不纯洁、无神论艺术家?
Pub Date : 2018-11-01 DOI: 10.3828/liverpool/9781786940438.003.0004
Adrian May
This chapter identifies the literary neo-Nietzschean critical ethos that defined the review from its opening issues, whilst also tracing how this ethos shifted in response to changes in the French social and political climate. The review’s progressive emphasis on anti-essentialist and post-foundational thought is contrasted to the return to Enlightenment thought, French values and communicational rationality proposed by Jürgen Habermas and Alain Finkielkraut. In contrast to the more abstract, conceptual emphasis of Derridean deconstruction, the review’s materialist approach to literary writing is demonstrated with particular reference to the works of Jean-Noël Vuarnet and Michel Surya. The review’s early, staunch secularism is then seen to become more tempered after scandals surrounding Islamic headscarves, laïcité, and the terrorist threats made towards Salman Rushdie, Taslima Nasreen, Robert Redeker and Charlie Hebdo, as the review refuses to be drawn into outright condemnation of France’s stigmatised Muslim minority. Lastly, the review’s Nietzschean stress on amoral philosophy is seen to be more responsible than nihilistic when placed in the context of shifting social mores, especially regarding changing philosophical perspectives on paedophilia.
这一章确定了新尼采主义的文学批判精神,这种精神从一开始就定义了这篇评论,同时也追踪了这种精神是如何随着法国社会和政治气候的变化而变化的。该评论对反本质主义和后基础主义思想的进步强调,与j根·哈贝马斯和阿兰·芬克尔克劳特提出的对启蒙思想、法国价值观和传播理性的回归形成了对比。与Derridean解构主义更加抽象、概念化的强调相反,这篇评论的唯物主义文学写作方法特别参考了Jean-Noël Vuarnet和Michel Surya的作品。在围绕伊斯兰头巾、laïcité以及针对萨尔曼·拉什迪、塔斯利马·纳斯琳、罗伯特·雷德克和《查理周报》的恐怖主义威胁的丑闻之后,该评论早期坚定的世俗主义似乎变得更加温和,因为该评论拒绝直接谴责法国受侮辱的穆斯林少数民族。最后,当置于社会习俗变化的背景下,尤其是关于恋童癖的哲学观点发生变化时,评论中尼采对非道德哲学的强调被认为比虚无主义更负责任。
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From Bataille to Badiou
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