Indonesian Abstract: Buku yang diterbitkan ini mempunyai dua visi, yakni sebagai buku ajar dan menjadi bacaan umum karena dibuat sedemikian rupa, sehingga menjadi sebuah buku yang mudah dimengerti dan berisi informasi terkini, yang dibahas dengan tinjauan teori yang uptodate , namun tidak menjemukan. Hal ini disebabkan karena bahan-bahan yang diperoleh, diambil dari berbagai sumber, diantaranya youtube yang menyiarkan kuliah Ekonomi Politik yang diberikan oleh pakar Ekonomi Politik dunia dari universitas ternama di dunia, seperti Duke University (Prof. Michael Munger), Rhode College (Prof. Art Carden), University of Wisconsin (Prof. Milton Fredman), George Mason University (Prof.. Stephen Davies) dan lain-lain Selain itu pula, buku ini juga membahas kasus menarik yang terjadi di Indonesia, terutama peristwa Jakarta Protests, yang dimulai sejak 2016 – 2018, yang memunculkan teori Soladiritas, juga kapitalisme dalam masa penjajahan Belanda, dan lain-lain. Namun demikian, tetap disadari bahwa buku ini jauh dari sempurna. Kritik dan saran perbaikan kami harapkan untuk penyempurnaan buku ini di masa mendatang.
English Abstract: This book has two visions, namely as a textbook and becomes a public reading because it is made in such a way that it becomes an easy-to-understand and information-filled book, which is discussed with up-to-date, but not boring, theories. This is because the materials obtained are taken from various sources, including youtube which broadcasts of Political Economy lectures given by world Political Economy experts from world-renowned universities, such as Duke University (Prof. Michael Munger), Rhode College (Prof. Art Carden), University of Wisconsin (Prof. Milton Fredman), George Mason University (Prof. Stephen Davies) and others.
In addition, this book also discusses interesting cases that have taken place in Indonesia, especially the events of Jakarta Protests, which began in 2016 - 2018, which gave rise to the theory of Soladiritas, as well as capitalism during the Dutch colonial period, and others.
However, it is still realized that this book is far from perfect. We hope that the critics and suggestions for improvement will improve this book in the future.
{"title":"PENGANTAR EKONOMI POLITIK (Introduction to Political Economics)","authors":"C. Sasmito, Dyana Sari","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3331869","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3331869","url":null,"abstract":"<b>Indonesian Abstract:</b> Buku yang diterbitkan ini mempunyai dua visi, yakni sebagai buku ajar dan menjadi bacaan umum karena dibuat sedemikian rupa, sehingga menjadi sebuah buku yang mudah dimengerti dan berisi informasi terkini, yang dibahas dengan tinjauan teori yang uptodate , namun tidak menjemukan. Hal ini disebabkan karena bahan-bahan yang diperoleh, diambil dari berbagai sumber, diantaranya youtube yang menyiarkan kuliah Ekonomi Politik yang diberikan oleh pakar Ekonomi Politik dunia dari universitas ternama di dunia, seperti Duke University (Prof. Michael Munger), Rhode College (Prof. Art Carden), University of Wisconsin (Prof. Milton Fredman), George Mason University (Prof.. Stephen Davies) dan lain-lain <br>Selain itu pula, buku ini juga membahas kasus menarik yang terjadi di Indonesia, terutama peristwa Jakarta Protests, yang dimulai sejak 2016 – 2018, yang memunculkan teori Soladiritas, juga kapitalisme dalam masa penjajahan Belanda, dan lain-lain. <br>Namun demikian, tetap disadari bahwa buku ini jauh dari sempurna. Kritik dan saran perbaikan kami harapkan untuk penyempurnaan buku ini di masa mendatang. <br><br><b>English Abstract:</b> This book has two visions, namely as a textbook and becomes a public reading because it is made in such a way that it becomes an easy-to-understand and information-filled book, which is discussed with up-to-date, but not boring, theories. This is because the materials obtained are taken from various sources, including youtube which broadcasts of Political Economy lectures given by world Political Economy experts from world-renowned universities, such as Duke University (Prof. Michael Munger), Rhode College (Prof. Art Carden), University of Wisconsin (Prof. Milton Fredman), George Mason University (Prof. Stephen Davies) and others.<br><br>In addition, this book also discusses interesting cases that have taken place in Indonesia, especially the events of Jakarta Protests, which began in 2016 - 2018, which gave rise to the theory of Soladiritas, as well as capitalism during the Dutch colonial period, and others.<br><br>However, it is still realized that this book is far from perfect. We hope that the critics and suggestions for improvement will improve this book in the future. <br>","PeriodicalId":210892,"journal":{"name":"PRN: Human Rights","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-02-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133616859","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Russian Abstract: Современный индийский философ, эколог и общественно-политический деятель Вандана Шива (род. 1952 г.) обратилась к философии в начале 1980-х гг., после того, как вернулась в Индию из Канады, где получила ученую степень по физике. Но физика не стала предметом ее дальнейших научных исследований. Начав работать в Национальном институте науки в Бангалоре, она сосредоточила свое внимание на вопросах национальной научно-технической и экологической политики, что позволило ей лучше осознать, как такая политика реализуется в Индии. С одной стороны, ей пришлось увидеть, как «вестернизированное» индийское правительство направляет свои усилия на то, чтобы модернизировать общество и добиться серьезного экономического роста, с другой – ей открылись новые сведения о том, как это сказывается на судьбах миллионов простых людей, и какую реакцию это вызывает «снизу». English Abstract: The modern Indian philosopher, ecologist and social and political figure Vandana Shiva (born 1952) turned to philosophy in the early 1980s, after she returned to India from Canada, where she received her degree in physics. But physics has not become the subject of her further scientific research. Having started working at the National Institute of Science in Bangalore, she focused on issues of national science, technology and environmental policy, which allowed her to better understand how such a policy is implemented in India. On the one hand, she had to see how the "Westernized" Indian government was focusing its efforts on modernizing society and achieving serious economic growth; on the other, new information was revealed about how this affects the fate of millions of ordinary people, and what this reaction causes "from below".
{"title":"Экологическая философия Ванданы Шивы (Environmental Philosophy of Vanda Shiva)","authors":"I. Mikhel","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3250629","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3250629","url":null,"abstract":"<b>Russian Abstract:</b> Современный индийский философ, эколог и общественно-политический деятель Вандана Шива (род. 1952 г.) обратилась к философии в начале 1980-х гг., после того, как вернулась в Индию из Канады, где получила ученую степень по физике. Но физика не стала предметом ее дальнейших научных исследований. Начав работать в Национальном институте науки в Бангалоре, она сосредоточила свое внимание на вопросах национальной научно-технической и экологической политики, что позволило ей лучше осознать, как такая политика реализуется в Индии. С одной стороны, ей пришлось увидеть, как «вестернизированное» индийское правительство направляет свои усилия на то, чтобы модернизировать общество и добиться серьезного экономического роста, с другой – ей открылись новые сведения о том, как это сказывается на судьбах миллионов простых людей, и какую реакцию это вызывает «снизу». <b>English Abstract:</b> The modern Indian philosopher, ecologist and social and political figure Vandana Shiva (born 1952) turned to philosophy in the early 1980s, after she returned to India from Canada, where she received her degree in physics. But physics has not become the subject of her further scientific research. Having started working at the National Institute of Science in Bangalore, she focused on issues of national science, technology and environmental policy, which allowed her to better understand how such a policy is implemented in India. On the one hand, she had to see how the \"Westernized\" Indian government was focusing its efforts on modernizing society and achieving serious economic growth; on the other, new information was revealed about how this affects the fate of millions of ordinary people, and what this reaction causes \"from below\".","PeriodicalId":210892,"journal":{"name":"PRN: Human Rights","volume":"38 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125098119","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
As of 2014, fifty-four percent of the world’s population lived in cities; by 2050, this proportion is expected to rise to sixty-six percent. As a result, cities face tremendous and unique challenges in creating communities in which diverse populations can thrive. Corresponding with their renewed significance, cities have also begun to reimagine their individual and collective power on the national, regional, and international stage. As cities have become more visible, advocates have begun to focus on local governments as sites of rights protection, invoking universal international human rights norms as a source of authority for local policy and using human rights language as a tool for social mobilization. This localization of human rights is still a relatively new phenomenon. Now, however, as we approach the twentieth anniversary of the first human rights city, the time is ripe to take stock of the progress and potential. This volume of essays, edited by Barbara Oomen, Martha F. Davis, and Michele Grigolo, brings together an international and inter-disciplinary collection of authors to assess the state of human rights vis-a-vis the city. Through a mix of case studies and thematic essays on the localization of human rights on several continents, this volume provides a window into how human rights are playing out on the ground in local communities. This review draws on these case studies to consider whether cities are effective sites to enhance the relevance of human rights and, in particular, to examine whether efforts to name, claim, and implement rights at the city level can enhance accountability, make human rights relevant and real, and fill the gap left as the power of nation-states wanes.
{"title":"The State of the City and the Future of Human Rights: A Review of Global Urban Justice","authors":"Johanna Kalb","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2969199","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2969199","url":null,"abstract":"As of 2014, fifty-four percent of the world’s population lived in cities; by 2050, this proportion is expected to rise to sixty-six percent. As a result, cities face tremendous and unique challenges in creating communities in which diverse populations can thrive. Corresponding with their renewed significance, cities have also begun to reimagine their individual and collective power on the national, regional, and international stage. As cities have become more visible, advocates have begun to focus on local governments as sites of rights protection, invoking universal international human rights norms as a source of authority for local policy and using human rights language as a tool for social mobilization. This localization of human rights is still a relatively new phenomenon. Now, however, as we approach the twentieth anniversary of the first human rights city, the time is ripe to take stock of the progress and potential. This volume of essays, edited by Barbara Oomen, Martha F. Davis, and Michele Grigolo, brings together an international and inter-disciplinary collection of authors to assess the state of human rights vis-a-vis the city. Through a mix of case studies and thematic essays on the localization of human rights on several continents, this volume provides a window into how human rights are playing out on the ground in local communities. This review draws on these case studies to consider whether cities are effective sites to enhance the relevance of human rights and, in particular, to examine whether efforts to name, claim, and implement rights at the city level can enhance accountability, make human rights relevant and real, and fill the gap left as the power of nation-states wanes.","PeriodicalId":210892,"journal":{"name":"PRN: Human Rights","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-05-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134601317","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
“Humanism is creating a potent human value in a venture and defining money value as a subservient tool to the venture.”The Buffer method of evaluating salary is transparent and individualistic it yet lacks the ability to equate share in the derivations of the firm’s profit. It also keeps the hierarchical structure of the firm in terms of positions.Humanism Principles are based on the fact that the only true and valuable input to a firm comes from the human content of a project. Each participant delivers a true value based on his skills and is a vital component. As per Pareto's law it required only 20% of his time to achieve it. It is a valuable measuring tool to analyze a participant's true skill and then evaluate the other abilities which could be used by other over the 80% of the time available.Thus a project consists of participants who possess the skills that are required for the project. The remaining available time of the participants will be used to complete tasks that are not the primary requirement of the firm, nevertheless. Examp. A technician with computer knowledge can use his time to feed accounting details into a database which can be accessed by an outsourced agency/auditor to maintain and monitor company accounts. Similarly a housekeeping participant can be used to carry and transport materials, packaging etc.Under Humanism principles the minimum requirement of money to live a basic standard life should be the minimum wages for all Participants.
{"title":"Humanism in Economic Principles","authors":"Samuel J Martyn, Suganya Deivasigamani","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2808475","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2808475","url":null,"abstract":"“Humanism is creating a potent human value in a venture and defining money value as a subservient tool to the venture.”The Buffer method of evaluating salary is transparent and individualistic it yet lacks the ability to equate share in the derivations of the firm’s profit. It also keeps the hierarchical structure of the firm in terms of positions.Humanism Principles are based on the fact that the only true and valuable input to a firm comes from the human content of a project. Each participant delivers a true value based on his skills and is a vital component. As per Pareto's law it required only 20% of his time to achieve it. It is a valuable measuring tool to analyze a participant's true skill and then evaluate the other abilities which could be used by other over the 80% of the time available.Thus a project consists of participants who possess the skills that are required for the project. The remaining available time of the participants will be used to complete tasks that are not the primary requirement of the firm, nevertheless. Examp. A technician with computer knowledge can use his time to feed accounting details into a database which can be accessed by an outsourced agency/auditor to maintain and monitor company accounts. Similarly a housekeeping participant can be used to carry and transport materials, packaging etc.Under Humanism principles the minimum requirement of money to live a basic standard life should be the minimum wages for all Participants.","PeriodicalId":210892,"journal":{"name":"PRN: Human Rights","volume":" 6","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"120828243","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article seeks to explore whether the EU system of fundamental rights protection allows room for constitutional pluralism. By looking at recent developments in the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union (the Court of Justice), it is submitted that the Court has answered that question in the affirmative, thereby respecting the diversity of the cultures and traditions of the peoples of Europe as well as their national identities. The application of the Charter does not rule out a cumulative application of fundamental rights. That being said, pluralism is not absolute, but must be weighed against the indivisible and universal values on which the European Union is founded.Logically, the question that arises is how we order pluralism. In this regard, I shall argue that it is not for the Court of Justice to decide when an EU uniform standard of fundamental rights protection is to replace (or coexist with) national standards. That decision is for the EU political institutions to adopt, since they enjoy the necessary democratic legitimacy to determine the circumstances under which the exercise of a fundamental right is to be limited for reasons of public interest.However, this deference to the EU political branches does not mean that EU legislative decisions are immune from judicial review. On the contrary, cases such as Schwarz and Digital Rights demonstrate that the Court of Justice is firmly committed to examining whether those legislative choices comply with primary EU law, and notably with the Charter. In this regard, when interpreting the provisions of the Charter, the Court of Justice – in dialogue with national courts and, in particular, constitutional courts – operates as the guarantor of the rule of law within the EU, of which fundamental rights are part and parcel. It is thus for those courts to make sure that each and every EU citizen enjoys a sphere of individual liberty which must, as defined by the Charter, remain free from public interferences.
{"title":"EU Values and Constitutional Pluralism: The EU System of Fundamental Rights Protection","authors":"K. Lenaerts","doi":"10.7420/PYIL2014G","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7420/PYIL2014G","url":null,"abstract":"This article seeks to explore whether the EU system of fundamental rights protection allows room for constitutional pluralism. By looking at recent developments in the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union (the Court of Justice), it is submitted that the Court has answered that question in the affirmative, thereby respecting the diversity of the cultures and traditions of the peoples of Europe as well as their national identities. The application of the Charter does not rule out a cumulative application of fundamental rights. That being said, pluralism is not absolute, but must be weighed against the indivisible and universal values on which the European Union is founded.Logically, the question that arises is how we order pluralism. In this regard, I shall argue that it is not for the Court of Justice to decide when an EU uniform standard of fundamental rights protection is to replace (or coexist with) national standards. That decision is for the EU political institutions to adopt, since they enjoy the necessary democratic legitimacy to determine the circumstances under which the exercise of a fundamental right is to be limited for reasons of public interest.However, this deference to the EU political branches does not mean that EU legislative decisions are immune from judicial review. On the contrary, cases such as Schwarz and Digital Rights demonstrate that the Court of Justice is firmly committed to examining whether those legislative choices comply with primary EU law, and notably with the Charter. In this regard, when interpreting the provisions of the Charter, the Court of Justice – in dialogue with national courts and, in particular, constitutional courts – operates as the guarantor of the rule of law within the EU, of which fundamental rights are part and parcel. It is thus for those courts to make sure that each and every EU citizen enjoys a sphere of individual liberty which must, as defined by the Charter, remain free from public interferences.","PeriodicalId":210892,"journal":{"name":"PRN: Human Rights","volume":"74 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129733839","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The infringement of human rights by subsidiaries of multinational enterprises has become a thoroughly discussed topic. It is obvious that potential corporate liability under any regime gives incentives to group companies for structuring themselves in a way that, if ever agents who do not respect human right will be held responsible, the liability risks remain within the sphere of a foreign subsidiary. Looking from the perspective of the injured person, this strategy motivates to invoke veil-piercing, direct liability or forum-doctrines to tap the financial capability of the parent company. Following the UNGP the question arises what can be done to establish fair jurisdiction, suitable to hold negligent parent companies liable e.g. based on mandatory due diligence obligations in respect of the adherence to human rights.
{"title":"Liability of Parent Companies for Human Rights Violations of Subsidiaries","authors":"R. Weber, Rainer Baisch","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2625536","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2625536","url":null,"abstract":"The infringement of human rights by subsidiaries of multinational enterprises has become a thoroughly discussed topic. It is obvious that potential corporate liability under any regime gives incentives to group companies for structuring themselves in a way that, if ever agents who do not respect human right will be held responsible, the liability risks remain within the sphere of a foreign subsidiary. Looking from the perspective of the injured person, this strategy motivates to invoke veil-piercing, direct liability or forum-doctrines to tap the financial capability of the parent company. Following the UNGP the question arises what can be done to establish fair jurisdiction, suitable to hold negligent parent companies liable e.g. based on mandatory due diligence obligations in respect of the adherence to human rights.","PeriodicalId":210892,"journal":{"name":"PRN: Human Rights","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131132795","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In recent years progress in the areas of health and sanitation coverage in Bangladesh has received national and international attention. But not all are getting equal coverage; specially some marginal groups of people remained excluded despite having constitutional provisions. Among others, tea garden labourers are one of the segregated communities in Bangladesh has been facing sever discrimination and deprivation. Economic crises, absence of facilities, lower rate of education and ignorance led them to depend on traditional unscientific and unhygienic practices. This paper is based on a qualitative study on a particular tea garden, named Tarapur Tea Garden in Sylhet city, Bangladesh, which focuses on their health and sanitation practices, facilities, problems and coping strategies. Findings revealed that they are far from the modern health and sanitation facilities and thus maintaining miserable life. Use of unsafe toilet, inappropriate garbage and drainage facilities, unhygienic living arrangement, absence of preventive measures regarding basic health safety, etc. are very common among the tea labourers. Even they fail to get legal facilities as the garden authorities show less interest. The paper attempts to describe their miserable life style, crises and survival ways. In-depth Interview and Focus Group Discussion were the tools for data collection.
{"title":"Health and Sanitation Behaviour of the Tea Garden Labourers: Crises and Deprivation","authors":"A. Kashem","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2560822","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2560822","url":null,"abstract":"In recent years progress in the areas of health and sanitation coverage in Bangladesh has received national and international attention. But not all are getting equal coverage; specially some marginal groups of people remained excluded despite having constitutional provisions. Among others, tea garden labourers are one of the segregated communities in Bangladesh has been facing sever discrimination and deprivation. Economic crises, absence of facilities, lower rate of education and ignorance led them to depend on traditional unscientific and unhygienic practices. This paper is based on a qualitative study on a particular tea garden, named Tarapur Tea Garden in Sylhet city, Bangladesh, which focuses on their health and sanitation practices, facilities, problems and coping strategies. Findings revealed that they are far from the modern health and sanitation facilities and thus maintaining miserable life. Use of unsafe toilet, inappropriate garbage and drainage facilities, unhygienic living arrangement, absence of preventive measures regarding basic health safety, etc. are very common among the tea labourers. Even they fail to get legal facilities as the garden authorities show less interest. The paper attempts to describe their miserable life style, crises and survival ways. In-depth Interview and Focus Group Discussion were the tools for data collection.","PeriodicalId":210892,"journal":{"name":"PRN: Human Rights","volume":"69 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-01-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131761905","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The objective of this paper is to critically discuss the effect of the public-private complexity on the empowerment of the multitude within the (re)construction of the contemporary world order. In particular I will question the role and meaning of public-private partnerships as ‘transnational’ instruments’. The ozone and climate change regimes are taken as examples of how the idea and practice of public-private partnerships gain firm ground and how the participation of the multitude became formalized. The connected problems of ozone depletion and climate change were politically acknowledged in the 1985 Vienna Convention on the Protection of the Ozone Layer and 1992 United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. These international legal regimes, provide the framework for a critical analysis of what I will understand as the historical and the ideational problematic of the public, the private and the civil society beyond-the-state. The Global Gas Flaring Reduction Public-Private Partnership (GGFR-PPP) provides a telling illustration of that general critique.
{"title":"Transnational Public Private Partnerships: Handmaidens of Empire or Counter-Empire?","authors":"M. Noortmann","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2318617","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2318617","url":null,"abstract":"The objective of this paper is to critically discuss the effect of the public-private complexity on the empowerment of the multitude within the (re)construction of the contemporary world order. In particular I will question the role and meaning of public-private partnerships as ‘transnational’ instruments’. The ozone and climate change regimes are taken as examples of how the idea and practice of public-private partnerships gain firm ground and how the participation of the multitude became formalized. The connected problems of ozone depletion and climate change were politically acknowledged in the 1985 Vienna Convention on the Protection of the Ozone Layer and 1992 United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. These international legal regimes, provide the framework for a critical analysis of what I will understand as the historical and the ideational problematic of the public, the private and the civil society beyond-the-state. The Global Gas Flaring Reduction Public-Private Partnership (GGFR-PPP) provides a telling illustration of that general critique.","PeriodicalId":210892,"journal":{"name":"PRN: Human Rights","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-02-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127522386","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
To remain competitive, organizations must change in response to demands in the dynamic environments in which they operate; yet oftentimes they do not change, perhaps due to an inability to first recognize, and then act on, the need for change. To combat this reluctance, organizational factors such as control systems and incentives may be effective since they are often used to direct managerial attention and thereby influence firm strategy (e.g., Simons 1990, 1995; Garg et al. 2003; Kober et al. 2007; Peterson and Luthans 2006). Indeed, prior research has found that control systems influence managers’ information search as well as firm-level strategic choice (e.g., Simons 1990, 1995) and incentives are closely tied to managers’ motivation to act (e.g., Bruggen and Moers 2007; Peterson and Luthans 2006). To further investigate this issue, we examine whether one individual-level variable – perceived environmental uncertainty (hereafter, “PEU”) – and two firm-level variables – control systems and incentives – are effective in overcoming managers’ insufficient motivation and/or their inability to recognize that change is needed, thereby increasing their willingness to recommend strategic change (hereafter, “WTRC”). Consistent with expectations, we find that the positive association between PEU and willingness to recommend strategic change is diminished by all combinations of control systems and incentives (except for an interactive system–social recognition incentive combination). Regarding this result, neither interactive systems nor social recognition incentives seem to provide a point of focus for managers to interpret strategic threats, thereby lowering the likelihood that managers will recommend strategic change. Thus, the positive association between PEU and WTRC remains intact. However, for low PEU managers, both diagnostic systems and financial incentives seem to make low PEU managers behave more like high PEU managers by focusing attention on performance metrics, thereby creating a strategic decision-making framework that increases the likelihood of recommending strategic change. Overall, these results suggest that the positive association between PEU and managers’ willingness to recommend strategic change can be enhanced, or muted, by control systems and incentives.
为了保持竞争力，组织必须在其运作的动态环境中响应需求而改变;然而，他们往往不改变，也许是因为无法首先认识到改变的需要，然后采取行动。为了克服这种不情愿，控制系统和激励等组织因素可能是有效的，因为它们经常被用来引导管理注意力，从而影响公司战略(例如，Simons 1990, 1995;Garg et al. 2003;Kober et al. 2007;Peterson and Luthans 2006)。事实上，先前的研究已经发现，控制系统影响管理者的信息搜索以及公司层面的战略选择(例如，Simons 1990, 1995)，激励与管理者的行动动机密切相关(例如，Bruggen和Moers 2007;Peterson and Luthans 2006)。为了进一步研究这个问题，我们研究了一个个人层面的变量——感知环境不确定性(以下简称“PEU”)——和两个公司层面的变量——控制系统和激励——是否有效地克服了管理者的动机不足和/或他们无法认识到变革的必要性，从而增加了他们建议战略变革的意愿(以下简称“WTRC”)。与预期一致，我们发现PEU与推荐战略变革意愿之间的正相关关系被控制系统和激励的所有组合(除了交互系统-社会认可激励组合)所削弱。关于这一结果，互动系统和社会认可激励似乎都没有为管理者提供一个解释战略威胁的焦点，从而降低了管理者建议战略变革的可能性。因此，PEU和WTRC之间的正相关关系保持不变。然而，对于低绩效绩效经理来说，诊断系统和财务激励似乎都使低绩效绩效经理的行为更像高绩效绩效经理，因为他们把注意力集中在绩效指标上，从而创建了一个战略决策框架，增加了建议战略变革的可能性。总体而言，这些结果表明，PEU与管理者推荐战略变革意愿之间的正相关关系可以通过控制系统和激励措施得到增强或减弱。
{"title":"Control Systems and Incentives as Moderators of the Positive Association between Perceived Environmental Uncertainty and Willingness to Recommend Strategic Change","authors":"Stuart Napshin, Cathy A. Beaudoin, Anna M. Cianci","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2311011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2311011","url":null,"abstract":"To remain competitive, organizations must change in response to demands in the dynamic environments in which they operate; yet oftentimes they do not change, perhaps due to an inability to first recognize, and then act on, the need for change. To combat this reluctance, organizational factors such as control systems and incentives may be effective since they are often used to direct managerial attention and thereby influence firm strategy (e.g., Simons 1990, 1995; Garg et al. 2003; Kober et al. 2007; Peterson and Luthans 2006). Indeed, prior research has found that control systems influence managers’ information search as well as firm-level strategic choice (e.g., Simons 1990, 1995) and incentives are closely tied to managers’ motivation to act (e.g., Bruggen and Moers 2007; Peterson and Luthans 2006). To further investigate this issue, we examine whether one individual-level variable – perceived environmental uncertainty (hereafter, “PEU”) – and two firm-level variables – control systems and incentives – are effective in overcoming managers’ insufficient motivation and/or their inability to recognize that change is needed, thereby increasing their willingness to recommend strategic change (hereafter, “WTRC”). Consistent with expectations, we find that the positive association between PEU and willingness to recommend strategic change is diminished by all combinations of control systems and incentives (except for an interactive system–social recognition incentive combination). Regarding this result, neither interactive systems nor social recognition incentives seem to provide a point of focus for managers to interpret strategic threats, thereby lowering the likelihood that managers will recommend strategic change. Thus, the positive association between PEU and WTRC remains intact. However, for low PEU managers, both diagnostic systems and financial incentives seem to make low PEU managers behave more like high PEU managers by focusing attention on performance metrics, thereby creating a strategic decision-making framework that increases the likelihood of recommending strategic change. Overall, these results suggest that the positive association between PEU and managers’ willingness to recommend strategic change can be enhanced, or muted, by control systems and incentives.","PeriodicalId":210892,"journal":{"name":"PRN: Human Rights","volume":"20 Volume 12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-08-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127868822","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The import of institutions is a complicated issue and the study of human rights institutions (HRI) import proves to be particularly challenging, because it shows the value of proper institutional area to get good results. One of the main questions is the quality of recently established institutions and their performance. These topics are of direct relevance to different fields of study, but it was only at the end of 1990s that they were given special attention in connection with the performance of national HRI. The following study is mainly concerned with two questions — both having a theoretical and empirical aspect — when at what point do we observe the institutionalization and what criteria one can apply at it's different levels.The issue of HRI import is of great value for the study of institutionalization both because a large number of cases are available for analysis and because the institute of human rights demonstrates considerable adaptability. In many cases new national HRI develop in the circumstances of "organized anarchy", where it is almost impossible to develop a set of rules to define institution externally and internally, i.e. to see "normal" institutionalization and to get the effectiveness criteria.A significant number of political and administrative gaps is typical for the Post-Soviet states. On two politically-related examples of election and corruption — we try to demonstrate that human rights ombudsman In Russia is institutionalized in a form of a highly personified institution. That means that norms and values that are set in this institution are connected not with its political — administrative role, but with the personal qualities. This is a form of weak institutionalization that makes the question of public evaluation of ombudsman work quite problematic.
{"title":"Import of Human Rights Institutions and Their Effectiveness in Post-Soviet States","authors":"Konstantin P. Kokarev","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2543112","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2543112","url":null,"abstract":"The import of institutions is a complicated issue and the study of human rights institutions (HRI) import proves to be particularly challenging, because it shows the value of proper institutional area to get good results. One of the main questions is the quality of recently established institutions and their performance. These topics are of direct relevance to different fields of study, but it was only at the end of 1990s that they were given special attention in connection with the performance of national HRI. The following study is mainly concerned with two questions — both having a theoretical and empirical aspect — when at what point do we observe the institutionalization and what criteria one can apply at it's different levels.The issue of HRI import is of great value for the study of institutionalization both because a large number of cases are available for analysis and because the institute of human rights demonstrates considerable adaptability. In many cases new national HRI develop in the circumstances of \"organized anarchy\", where it is almost impossible to develop a set of rules to define institution externally and internally, i.e. to see \"normal\" institutionalization and to get the effectiveness criteria.A significant number of political and administrative gaps is typical for the Post-Soviet states. On two politically-related examples of election and corruption — we try to demonstrate that human rights ombudsman In Russia is institutionalized in a form of a highly personified institution. That means that norms and values that are set in this institution are connected not with its political — administrative role, but with the personal qualities. This is a form of weak institutionalization that makes the question of public evaluation of ombudsman work quite problematic.","PeriodicalId":210892,"journal":{"name":"PRN: Human Rights","volume":"74 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-06-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125917361","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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