Pub Date : 2020-12-01DOI: 10.53106/2306036020201200360007
謝世宗 謝世宗
楊德昌的《牯嶺街少年殺人事件》（1991）由於研究材料取得上的困難，二十五年來的研究論文仍然相當有限。不同於形式分析、女性主義、後殖民理論與心理分析的角度，本文以新批評的細讀與敘事學的方法，釐清電影如何透過角色的類比與對比，包含政治的現實主義者、道德的理想主義者與勢利的弄權者之間的妥協與衝突，在舞臺上架構出一齣殉道者的道德悲劇。其次，透過《牯嶺街》作為一部歷史電影，脈絡化上述的人物角色與道德衝突，探討1960年代的國家機器如何形塑了一群道德的理想主義者，而他們理想主義又為何必然與整個時代產生矛盾與衝突。 Due to its inconvenient access, Edward Yang’s masterpiece A Brighter Summer Day, for the past twenty five years, has ellicited very few research articles. To make a contribution to this premature scholarship, this article focuses on the subject matter of the film and employes the method of narratology to argue that through the devices of similarity and contrast, Yang presents an ambitious moral tragedy on the cinematic stage where the heros attempt to realize their moral ideals even at the cost of their inclinations, self-interests and lives. Viewing the film as Yang’s historical reflection on the 1960s, the article then unravel the ways by which the state apparatuse interpellates some individuals into moral subjects and explicate why these moral idealists are doomed to confront and conflict with the millieu.
杨德昌的《牯岭街少年杀人事件》（1991）由于研究材料取得上的困难，二十五年来的研究论文仍然相当有限。不同于形式分析、女性主义、后殖民理论与心理分析的角度，本文以新批评的细读与叙事学的方法，厘清电影如何透过角色的类比与对比，包含政治的现实主义者、道德的理想主义者与势利的弄权者之间的妥协与冲突，在舞台上架构出一出殉道者的道德悲剧。其次，透过《牯岭街》作为一部历史电影，脉络化上述的人物角色与道德冲突，探讨1960年代的国家机器如何形塑了一群道德的理想主义者，而他们理想主义又为何必然与整个时代产生矛盾与冲突。 Due to its inconvenient access, Edward Yang’s masterpiece A Brighter Summer Day, for the past twenty five years, has ellicited very few research articles. To make a contribution to this premature scholarship, this article focuses on the subject matter of the film and employes the method of narratology to argue that through the devices of similarity and contrast, Yang presents an ambitious moral tragedy on the cinematic stage where the heros attempt to realize their moral ideals even at the cost of their inclinations, self-interests and lives. Viewing the film as Yang’s historical reflection on the 1960s, the article then unravel the ways by which the state apparatuse interpellates some individuals into moral subjects and explicate why these moral idealists are doomed to confront and conflict with the millieu.
{"title":"楊德昌的殉道英雄與歷史反思：重看《牯嶺街少年殺人事件》","authors":"謝世宗 謝世宗","doi":"10.53106/2306036020201200360007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53106/2306036020201200360007","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 楊德昌的《牯嶺街少年殺人事件》（1991）由於研究材料取得上的困難，二十五年來的研究論文仍然相當有限。不同於形式分析、女性主義、後殖民理論與心理分析的角度，本文以新批評的細讀與敘事學的方法，釐清電影如何透過角色的類比與對比，包含政治的現實主義者、道德的理想主義者與勢利的弄權者之間的妥協與衝突，在舞臺上架構出一齣殉道者的道德悲劇。其次，透過《牯嶺街》作為一部歷史電影，脈絡化上述的人物角色與道德衝突，探討1960年代的國家機器如何形塑了一群道德的理想主義者，而他們理想主義又為何必然與整個時代產生矛盾與衝突。\u0000 Due to its inconvenient access, Edward Yang’s masterpiece A Brighter Summer Day, for the past twenty five years, has ellicited very few research articles. To make a contribution to this premature scholarship, this article focuses on the subject matter of the film and employes the method of narratology to argue that through the devices of similarity and contrast, Yang presents an ambitious moral tragedy on the cinematic stage where the heros attempt to realize their moral ideals even at the cost of their inclinations, self-interests and lives. Viewing the film as Yang’s historical reflection on the 1960s, the article then unravel the ways by which the state apparatuse interpellates some individuals into moral subjects and explicate why these moral idealists are doomed to confront and conflict with the millieu. \u0000 \u0000","PeriodicalId":243831,"journal":{"name":"中正漢學研究","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132340005","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-01DOI: 10.53106/2306036020201200360002
成珉京 成珉京, 林侑毅 林侑毅
本文分別就朝鮮前期與後期考察朝鮮時代女訓書的歷史發展及針對女性之視覺教化的情形，並試圖闡明其意義。從朝鮮前期到中期，乃至於近代初期，「教化」與「鑑戒」的定型是以圖像表現女性的主要前提之一。教化與鑑戒在將女性形象表現於圖像上發揮關鍵作用，其緊密的關聯性提醒吾人必須研究視覺圖像在以女性為教化對象時發揮的功能與意義。朝鮮時代女訓書以及針對女性之視覺教化，在朝鮮初期以王室主導的賢妃與身體犧牲型烈女形象為主；在此基礎上，朝鮮後期轉向以士大夫為主導，加入更多貼近日常生活的內容。朝鮮後期將日常生活中必須恪遵的規範，以日常生活中隨處可見的屏風形式呈現，這種視覺教化必須以婚後居住型態普遍由婦處制轉變為夫處制的夫家生活為前提。換言之，此一現象呈現了朝鮮後期父權家長制高度發展的一個指標。 This paper examines the historical development of Confucian Women’s classics[女訓書] in the Joseon Dynasty and the aspects of visual correction for women in the early and late Joseon periods, and explores their meaning. Enlightenment and sensation were one of the main premise of expressing women in paintings from Joseon Dynasty to mid-term through early modern times. Enlightenment and sensation were acting on the basis of allowing women to be settled as icons, and the closeness reminds us of the need to consider the role and meaning of visual image in enlightenment. In the early Joseon Dynasty, the Confucian Women’s classics and visual edification for women were mainly based on the statue of the Hyun-bi[賢妃] led by the royal family and a physically sacrificed female figure. In addition to this, in the latter part of the Joseon Dynasty, more closely related contents were added to the daily life, as the Sadaebu[士大夫] became the center. Visualization in the form of a folding screen that can be seen in everyday life focuses on the contents that can be performed in married life in the home of the husband’s parents in the late Joseon Dynasty. In other words, this change is an indicator of the patriarchy advanced in the late Joseon Dynasty.
本文分别就朝鲜前期与后期考察朝鲜时代女训书的历史发展及针对女性之视觉教化的情形，并试图阐明其意义。从朝鲜前期到中期，乃至于近代初期，「教化」与「鉴戒」的定型是以图像表现女性的主要前提之一。教化与鉴戒在将女性形象表现于图像上发挥关键作用，其紧密的关联性提醒吾人必须研究视觉图像在以女性为教化对象时发挥的功能与意义。朝鲜时代女训书以及针对女性之视觉教化，在朝鲜初期以王室主导的贤妃与身体牺牲型烈女形象为主；在此基础上，朝鲜后期转向以士大夫为主导，加入更多贴近日常生活的内容。朝鲜后期将日常生活中必须恪遵的规范，以日常生活中随处可见的屏风形式呈现，这种视觉教化必须以婚后居住型态普遍由妇处制转变为夫处制的夫家生活为前提。换言之，此一现象呈现了朝鲜后期父权家长制高度发展的一个指标。 This paper examines the historical development of Confucian Women’s classics[女训书] in the Joseon Dynasty and the aspects of visual correction for women in the early and late Joseon periods, and explores their meaning. Enlightenment and sensation were one of the main premise of expressing women in paintings from Joseon Dynasty to mid-term through early modern times. Enlightenment and sensation were acting on the basis of allowing women to be settled as icons, and the closeness reminds us of the need to consider the role and meaning of visual image in enlightenment. In the early Joseon Dynasty, the Confucian Women’s classics and visual edification for women were mainly based on the statue of the Hyun-bi[贤妃] led by the royal family and a physically sacrificed female figure. In addition to this, in the latter part of the Joseon Dynasty, more closely related contents were added to the daily life, as the Sadaebu[士大夫] became the center. Visualization in the form of a folding screen that can be seen in everyday life focuses on the contents that can be performed in married life in the home of the husband’s parents in the late Joseon Dynasty. In other words, this change is an indicator of the patriarchy advanced in the late Joseon Dynasty.
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Pub Date : 2020-12-01DOI: 10.53106/2306036020201200360005
鄭明中 鄭明中
本研究調查廣東省大埔縣湖寮鎮與高陂鎮客家話小稱詞（綴/調），採用依調類分類的152個客家話常用單音節詞根語素做為調查字表，每個鎮選取兩位發音人調查，調查結果總結如下：（一）湖寮與高陂客家話小稱詞均以詞根語素後接小稱詞綴的方式呈現，小稱詞綴為[(t)ə31]。當小稱詞綴前的詞根語素為[-m, -n, -ŋ, -p, -t, -k]等輔音結尾時，小稱詞綴為[mə31, nə31, ŋə31, pə31, tə31, kə31]。當詞根語素以[a]結尾時，高陂鎮與湖寮鎮小稱詞綴使用[lə31]，高陂鎮烏槎村則使用[ə31]。（二）高陂客家話有[35]及[55]兩個出現於詞根語素的連讀變調（均非本調），前者出現於陰平調字，後者則出現於去聲調字。湖寮客家話只有一個出現於陰平調字詞根語素的連讀變調[55]（亦非本調）。湖寮與高陂客家話上聲調字與入聲調字均透過後接小稱詞綴來形成小稱詞，詞根語素無連讀變調產生。（三）湖寮客家話陰入調詞根語素後接小稱詞綴時有[tə31]或[tə55]兩種形式，這種自由變異顯示出小稱詞綴形態演變的過渡階段。（四）就整個音系而言，高陂客家話讀為[am, ap]韻者，湖寮客家話則讀為[aŋ, ak]韻，且只出現於韻核為[a]時，這種變化與發音簡化、元音舌位高度、鼻音發音位置前後，以及漢語方言韻尾演變有關。（五）大埔縣小稱詞綴的形態演變過程為[tə55] → [(t)ə55/31] → [(t)ə31]。最後，本研究將高陂與湖寮客家話小稱詞的調查結果與東勢客家話小稱詞的相關研究相互連結，企圖為東勢客家話小稱調的來源提供更合理的解釋。 This study targeted to investigate the diminutives of Hakka dialects spoken in Gaopi and Huliao townships in Dapu County, Guangdong. The word list used for the fieldwork survey included 152 common monosyllabic stems. Two speech informants in each township joined the study. They were asked to read the lexical tones, the sandhi tones, and the diminutives in their own dialects. The results are summarized as follows. First, diminutives are formed in the two townships by stems plus diminutive suffixes [(t)ə31]. When stems end with [-m, -n, -ŋ, -p, -t, -k], diminutive suffixes will surface as [mə31, nə31, ŋə31, pə31, tə31, kə31]. When stems end with [a], the diminutive suffix emerges as [lə31]. Second, two sandhi tones [35/55] occur in Gaopi Hakka, but only one sandhi tone [55] occurs in Huliao Hakka. Both [35] and [55] are not lexical tones in these two Hakka dialects. Third, two diminutive suffixes are used to form diminutives for Yinru stems in Huliao Hakka, and such free variation shows a transitional stage between diminutive suffixes. Fourth, [am, ap] rimes in Gaopi are systematically changed to [aŋ, ak] rimes in Huliao. This change may result from ease of articulation, vowel height, place of nasals, and coda development in Chinese dialects. Fifth, diminutive suffixes in Dapu Hakka undergoes a series of changing stages, that is, [tə55]→[(t)ə55/31]→[(t)ə31]. Finally, this study links the results to the diminutives in Dongshi Hakka, and attempts to offer reasonable explanations for the origin of the diminutive tones in Dongshi Hakka.
本研究调查广东省大埔县湖寮镇与高陂镇客家话小称词（缀/调），采用依调类分类的152个客家话常用单音节词根语素做为调查字表，每个镇选取两位发音人调查，调查结果总结如下：（一）湖寮与高陂客家话小称词均以词根语素后接小称词缀的方式呈现，小称词缀为[(t)ə31]。当小称词缀前的词根语素为[-m, -n, -ŋ, -p, -t, -k]等辅音结尾时，小称词缀为[mə31, nə31, ŋə31, pə31, tə31, kə31]。当词根语素以[a]结尾时，高陂镇与湖寮镇小称词缀使用[lə31]，高陂镇乌槎村则使用[ə31]。（二）高陂客家话有[35]及[55]两个出现于词根语素的连读变调（均非本调），前者出现于阴平调字，后者则出现于去声调字。湖寮客家话只有一个出现于阴平调字词根语素的连读变调[55]（亦非本调）。湖寮与高陂客家话上声调字与入声调字均透过后接小称词缀来形成小称词，词根语素无连读变调产生。（三）湖寮客家话阴入调词根语素后接小称词缀时有[tə31]或[tə55]两种形式，这种自由变异显示出小称词缀形态演变的过渡阶段。（四）就整个音系而言，高陂客家话读为[am, ap]韵者，湖寮客家话则读为[aŋ, ak]韵，且只出现于韵核为[a]时，这种变化与发音简化、元音舌位高度、鼻音发音位置前后，以及汉语方言韵尾演变有关。（五）大埔县小称词缀的形态演变过程为[tə55] → [(t)ə55/31] → [(t)ə31]。最后，本研究将高陂与湖寮客家话小称词的调查结果与东势客家话小称词的相关研究相互连结，企图为东势客家话小称调的来源提供更合理的解释。 This study targeted to investigate the diminutives of Hakka dialects spoken in Gaopi and Huliao townships in Dapu County, Guangdong. The word list used for the fieldwork survey included 152 common monosyllabic stems. Two speech informants in each township joined the study. They were asked to read the lexical tones, the sandhi tones, and the diminutives in their own dialects. The results are summarized as follows. First, diminutives are formed in the two townships by stems plus diminutive suffixes [(t)ə31]. When stems end with [-m, -n, -ŋ, -p, -t, -k], diminutive suffixes will surface as [mə31, nə31, ŋə31, pə31, tə31, kə31]. When stems end with [a], the diminutive suffix emerges as [lə31]. Second, two sandhi tones [35/55] occur in Gaopi Hakka, but only one sandhi tone [55] occurs in Huliao Hakka. Both [35] and [55] are not lexical tones in these two Hakka dialects. Third, two diminutive suffixes are used to form diminutives for Yinru stems in Huliao Hakka, and such free variation shows a transitional stage between diminutive suffixes. Fourth, [am, ap] rimes in Gaopi are systematically changed to [aŋ, ak] rimes in Huliao. This change may result from ease of articulation, vowel height, place of nasals, and coda development in Chinese dialects. Fifth, diminutive suffixes in Dapu Hakka undergoes a series of changing stages, that is, [tə55]→[(t)ə55/31]→[(t)ə31]. Finally, this study links the results to the diminutives in Dongshi Hakka, and attempts to offer reasonable explanations for the origin of the diminutive tones in Dongshi Hakka.
{"title":"廣東省大埔縣高陂鎮與湖寮鎮客家話小稱詞調查研究","authors":"鄭明中 鄭明中","doi":"10.53106/2306036020201200360005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53106/2306036020201200360005","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 本研究調查廣東省大埔縣湖寮鎮與高陂鎮客家話小稱詞（綴/調），採用依調類分類的152個客家話常用單音節詞根語素做為調查字表，每個鎮選取兩位發音人調查，調查結果總結如下：（一）湖寮與高陂客家話小稱詞均以詞根語素後接小稱詞綴的方式呈現，小稱詞綴為[(t)ə31]。當小稱詞綴前的詞根語素為[-m, -n, -ŋ, -p, -t, -k]等輔音結尾時，小稱詞綴為[mə31, nə31, ŋə31, pə31, tə31, kə31]。當詞根語素以[a]結尾時，高陂鎮與湖寮鎮小稱詞綴使用[lə31]，高陂鎮烏槎村則使用[ə31]。（二）高陂客家話有[35]及[55]兩個出現於詞根語素的連讀變調（均非本調），前者出現於陰平調字，後者則出現於去聲調字。湖寮客家話只有一個出現於陰平調字詞根語素的連讀變調[55]（亦非本調）。湖寮與高陂客家話上聲調字與入聲調字均透過後接小稱詞綴來形成小稱詞，詞根語素無連讀變調產生。（三）湖寮客家話陰入調詞根語素後接小稱詞綴時有[tə31]或[tə55]兩種形式，這種自由變異顯示出小稱詞綴形態演變的過渡階段。（四）就整個音系而言，高陂客家話讀為[am, ap]韻者，湖寮客家話則讀為[aŋ, ak]韻，且只出現於韻核為[a]時，這種變化與發音簡化、元音舌位高度、鼻音發音位置前後，以及漢語方言韻尾演變有關。（五）大埔縣小稱詞綴的形態演變過程為[tə55] → [(t)ə55/31] → [(t)ə31]。最後，本研究將高陂與湖寮客家話小稱詞的調查結果與東勢客家話小稱詞的相關研究相互連結，企圖為東勢客家話小稱調的來源提供更合理的解釋。\u0000 This study targeted to investigate the diminutives of Hakka dialects spoken in Gaopi and Huliao townships in Dapu County, Guangdong. The word list used for the fieldwork survey included 152 common monosyllabic stems. Two speech informants in each township joined the study. They were asked to read the lexical tones, the sandhi tones, and the diminutives in their own dialects. The results are summarized as follows. First, diminutives are formed in the two townships by stems plus diminutive suffixes [(t)ə31]. When stems end with [-m, -n, -ŋ, -p, -t, -k], diminutive suffixes will surface as [mə31, nə31, ŋə31, pə31, tə31, kə31]. When stems end with [a], the diminutive suffix emerges as [lə31]. Second, two sandhi tones [35/55] occur in Gaopi Hakka, but only one sandhi tone [55] occurs in Huliao Hakka. Both [35] and [55] are not lexical tones in these two Hakka dialects. Third, two diminutive suffixes are used to form diminutives for Yinru stems in Huliao Hakka, and such free variation shows a transitional stage between diminutive suffixes. Fourth, [am, ap] rimes in Gaopi are systematically changed to [aŋ, ak] rimes in Huliao. This change may result from ease of articulation, vowel height, place of nasals, and coda development in Chinese dialects. Fifth, diminutive suffixes in Dapu Hakka undergoes a series of changing stages, that is, [tə55]→[(t)ə55/31]→[(t)ə31]. Finally, this study links the results to the diminutives in Dongshi Hakka, and attempts to offer reasonable explanations for the origin of the diminutive tones in Dongshi Hakka.\u0000 \u0000","PeriodicalId":243831,"journal":{"name":"中正漢學研究","volume":"43 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128074857","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-01DOI: 10.53106/2306036020201200360006
游騰達 游騰達
本文藉由當代新儒家們對「陸九淵」學說的研究分析，展示徐復觀、唐君毅，牟宗三這三位代表人物不同的研究方法與儒學觀點。 徐先生著重將研究對象回歸歷史情境進行考察，試圖掘發其思想的邏輯結構，呈現由義利之辨的思想闡析落實至客觀面的政治思想之研究。 唐先生以哲學發展史的脈絡探討象山的學說，並結合個人生命體驗的觀點，認為發明本心當包含自信本心與剝落障蔽之正、反兩面的整體性工夫。 牟先生則著眼於象山「非分解」的言說特點，更採取比較哲學的研析觀點，指出其學說不僅是道德的自律型態，又具有超越的無限心之義涵。 綜上所述，得具體地看到徐、唐、牟三人雖同以陸王心學為依歸，但他們的研究方法有別，對儒學的根源性理解殊異，是以對象山的研究呈現豐富的多樣面貌。掌握這些觀點與方法，當可作為傳統儒學之當代新詮的重要借鏡。 This essay discusses Lu Xiang-shan’s doctrines researched by 3 representatives of contemporary Neo-Confucianism, Hsu Fu-kuan, Tang Chun-I and Mo Tsung-san.Although the 3 research are all based on Lu-Wang’s theory of mind, they understand Lu Xiang-shan’ s thinking in different ways.The main reason is that their methods and angles are different, which are history of thought, history of philosophy and comparative philosophy.In addition, their interpretations of Confucianism are also different.Once we understand this, we can study this issue further.
本文借由当代新儒家们对「陆九渊」学说的研究分析，展示徐复观、唐君毅，牟宗三这三位代表人物不同的研究方法与儒学观点。徐先生著重将研究对象回归历史情境进行考察，试图掘发其思想的逻辑结构，呈现由义利之辨的思想阐析落实至客观面的政治思想之研究。唐先生以哲学发展史的脉络探讨象山的学说，并结合个人生命体验的观点，认为发明本心当包含自信本心与剥落障蔽之正、反两面的整体性工夫。牟先生则著眼于象山「非分解」的言说特点，更采取比较哲学的研析观点，指出其学说不仅是道德的自律型态，又具有超越的无限心之义涵。综上所述，得具体地看到徐、唐、牟三人虽同以陆王心学为依归，但他们的研究方法有别，对儒学的根源性理解殊异，是以对象山的研究呈现丰富的多样面貌。掌握这些观点与方法，当可作为传统儒学之当代新诠的重要借镜。 This essay discusses Lu Xiang-shan’s doctrines researched by 3 representatives of contemporary Neo-Confucianism, Hsu Fu-kuan, Tang Chun-I and Mo Tsung-san.Although the 3 research are all based on Lu-Wang’s theory of mind, they understand Lu Xiang-shan’ s thinking in different ways.The main reason is that their methods and angles are different, which are history of thought, history of philosophy and comparative philosophy.In addition, their interpretations of Confucianism are also different.Once we understand this, we can study this issue further.
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Pub Date : 2020-12-01DOI: 10.53106/2306036020201200360003
張琬琳 張琬琳
二十世紀初，在國際間崛起的各國勢力，加速了各民族內部自我整頓與反省的動力，東方音樂家學習西方音樂，也試圖以西方音樂的樂制，來整建自我民族內部的音樂紋理。 東方音樂家欲望著西方，希冀能登上國際音樂舞臺；西方樂壇也期待從東方音樂家那裡，聽見西方人能夠「聽得懂」的「東方聲音」。在東 / 西方彼此期待、渴望之間，音樂本身被賦予極大的感官寓意，對西方人而言，帶有異國情調的音樂，尤其能夠吸引他們的目光；對於東方音樂家而言，這些「東方」的元素，卻是取自於不同民族風土的獨特聲音。 本文聚焦臺灣近代音樂家江文也，以近年來新出版的傳記、日記和音樂作品全集，以及本論文作者近年於歐洲搜集的史料為分析佐證，探討江文也「屬於自己 / 東方的聲音」創作，如何引發西方樂壇對於「東方聲音」的想像。 The early twentieth century was a century that had the two global-scale World Wars between world powers across continents and oceans. Rising nationalism and increasing national awareness became a major political issue in general society. Eastern musicians reflected on the issue and diligently learned Western music system to get a remarkable grasp of it. Because they knew well the so-called Oriental music sounds must be rooted in the Western music theory to be able to compete among nations by international standards. On one hand, Eastern musicians desired to be seen and rival upon the world stage; on the other hand, Western musicians looked forward to hearing pure Oriental music sounds from the East. However, for Taiwanese composer Jiang, Wen-Ye, the Oriental music sounds are not the ones of a traditional and exotic concept. Traditionally, the Oriental music sounds derive its flavor from the pentatonic scale and use traditional Chinese musical instruments to play. It is under such circumstances Jiang, Wen-Ye compose beautiful musical forms that embody his love and respectful duty to the Taiwanese motherland throughout frequent international music events and competitions.
二十世纪初，在国际间崛起的各国势力，加速了各民族内部自我整顿与反省的动力，东方音乐家学习西方音乐，也试图以西方音乐的乐制，来整建自我民族内部的音乐纹理。东方音乐家欲望著西方，希冀能登上国际音乐舞台；西方乐坛也期待从东方音乐家那里，听见西方人能够「听得懂」的「东方声音」。在东 / 西方彼此期待、渴望之间，音乐本身被赋予极大的感官寓意，对西方人而言，带有异国情调的音乐，尤其能够吸引他们的目光；对于东方音乐家而言，这些「东方」的元素，却是取自于不同民族风土的独特声音。本文聚焦台湾近代音乐家江文也，以近年来新出版的传记、日记和音乐作品全集，以及本论文作者近年于欧洲搜集的史料为分析佐证，探讨江文也「属于自己 / 东方的声音」创作，如何引发西方乐坛对于「东方声音」的想像。 The early twentieth century was a century that had the two global-scale World Wars between world powers across continents and oceans. Rising nationalism and increasing national awareness became a major political issue in general society. Eastern musicians reflected on the issue and diligently learned Western music system to get a remarkable grasp of it. Because they knew well the so-called Oriental music sounds must be rooted in the Western music theory to be able to compete among nations by international standards. On one hand, Eastern musicians desired to be seen and rival upon the world stage; on the other hand, Western musicians looked forward to hearing pure Oriental music sounds from the East. However, for Taiwanese composer Jiang, Wen-Ye, the Oriental music sounds are not the ones of a traditional and exotic concept. Traditionally, the Oriental music sounds derive its flavor from the pentatonic scale and use traditional Chinese musical instruments to play. It is under such circumstances Jiang, Wen-Ye compose beautiful musical forms that embody his love and respectful duty to the Taiwanese motherland throughout frequent international music events and competitions.
{"title":"來自「東方」的聲音圖景：江文也作品的異國情調與民族追尋","authors":"張琬琳 張琬琳","doi":"10.53106/2306036020201200360003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53106/2306036020201200360003","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 二十世紀初，在國際間崛起的各國勢力，加速了各民族內部自我整頓與反省的動力，東方音樂家學習西方音樂，也試圖以西方音樂的樂制，來整建自我民族內部的音樂紋理。\u0000東方音樂家欲望著西方，希冀能登上國際音樂舞臺；西方樂壇也期待從東方音樂家那裡，聽見西方人能夠「聽得懂」的「東方聲音」。在東 / 西方彼此期待、渴望之間，音樂本身被賦予極大的感官寓意，對西方人而言，帶有異國情調的音樂，尤其能夠吸引他們的目光；對於東方音樂家而言，這些「東方」的元素，卻是取自於不同民族風土的獨特聲音。\u0000本文聚焦臺灣近代音樂家江文也，以近年來新出版的傳記、日記和音樂作品全集，以及本論文作者近年於歐洲搜集的史料為分析佐證，探討江文也「屬於自己 / 東方的聲音」創作，如何引發西方樂壇對於「東方聲音」的想像。\u0000 The early twentieth century was a century that had the two global-scale World Wars between world powers across continents and oceans. Rising nationalism and increasing national awareness became a major political issue in general society. Eastern musicians reflected on the issue and diligently learned Western music system to get a remarkable grasp of it. Because they knew well the so-called Oriental music sounds must be rooted in the Western music theory to be able to compete among nations by international standards. On one hand, Eastern musicians desired to be seen and rival upon the world stage; on the other hand, Western musicians looked forward to hearing pure Oriental music sounds from the East. However, for Taiwanese composer Jiang, Wen-Ye, the Oriental music sounds are not the ones of a traditional and exotic concept. Traditionally, the Oriental music sounds derive its flavor from the pentatonic scale and use traditional Chinese musical instruments to play. It is under such circumstances Jiang, Wen-Ye compose beautiful musical forms that embody his love and respectful duty to the Taiwanese motherland throughout frequent international music events and competitions.\u0000 \u0000","PeriodicalId":243831,"journal":{"name":"中正漢學研究","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130973161","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-01DOI: 10.53106/2306036020201200360001
錢南秀 錢南秀
由漢代儒家學者劉向（前77–前6）開創的《列女傳》文體，其始便圖文並置。故本文所謂傳衍，便具圖文兩重意義，兩者均經歷了時間上的傳承與空間上的播延，其間因與不同時空語境的交纏互動，而有相應形式、載體、內涵等變遷。本文擬對劉向《列女傳》傳世兩千餘年間在東亞漢文化圈的傳衍過程，作一初步勾勒。首先概括漢唐之間、印刷術發明之前，《列女傳》圖像經由圍屏、壁畫、石刻和卷軸的形式流傳；次論宋明印刷術普及後，圖像如何進入《列女傳》木刻版本。而明代大量《列女傳》及仿作的刻印發行，又影響激發了朝鮮與日本仿作的出現。因卷帙浩繁，斷難求全，惟冀能就目前筆者所蒐集的有限資料，考察比勘，以期理解不同社會、政治、文化、經濟等語境對於婦女道德空間建構及其圖文表述所生影響。 The genre of the Biographies of Exemplary Women, initiated by the Han Confucian Scholar Liu Xiang （77–6 BCE）, consisted of the texts and illustrations from the very beginning. Thus, a study of its transmission and transformation in the Sinosphere requires examination of both. Throughout the two thousand years, this genre has gone through constant changes of forms, media, and connotations in its interactions with different spatial and temporal contexts. This article intends to summarize this process, first on its evolution through painting screens, murals, stone carvings, and hand scrolls from the Han to the Tang, and then its woodblock versions after the invention of the printing technique in the Song. The spread of the illustrated Ming editions of the Biographies of Exemplary Women into Korea and Japan further inspired its imitative works in these areas. Through a comparative study of excavated materials, this article expects to understand how the sociopolitical, cultural, and economic environments influenced the textual and imagery construction of women’s moral space in the Sinosphere.
由汉代儒家学者刘向（前77–前6）开创的《列女传》文体，其始便图文并置。故本文所谓传衍，便具图文两重意义，两者均经历了时间上的传承与空间上的播延，其间因与不同时空语境的交缠互动，而有相应形式、载体、内涵等变迁。本文拟对刘向《列女传》传世两千余年间在东亚汉文化圈的传衍过程，作一初步勾勒。首先概括汉唐之间、印刷术发明之前，《列女传》图像经由围屏、壁画、石刻和卷轴的形式流传；次论宋明印刷术普及后，图像如何进入《列女传》木刻版本。而明代大量《列女传》及仿作的刻印发行，又影响激发了朝鲜与日本仿作的出现。因卷帙浩繁，断难求全，惟冀能就目前笔者所搜集的有限资料，考察比勘，以期理解不同社会、政治、文化、经济等语境对于妇女道德空间建构及其图文表述所生影响。 The genre of the Biographies of Exemplary Women, initiated by the Han Confucian Scholar Liu Xiang （77–6 BCE）, consisted of the texts and illustrations from the very beginning. Thus, a study of its transmission and transformation in the Sinosphere requires examination of both. Throughout the two thousand years, this genre has gone through constant changes of forms, media, and connotations in its interactions with different spatial and temporal contexts. This article intends to summarize this process, first on its evolution through painting screens, murals, stone carvings, and hand scrolls from the Han to the Tang, and then its woodblock versions after the invention of the printing technique in the Song. The spread of the illustrated Ming editions of the Biographies of Exemplary Women into Korea and Japan further inspired its imitative works in these areas. Through a comparative study of excavated materials, this article expects to understand how the sociopolitical, cultural, and economic environments influenced the textual and imagery construction of women’s moral space in the Sinosphere.
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Pub Date : 2020-12-01DOI: 10.53106/2306036020201200360004
張宇衛 張宇衛
卜辭 （《合》6342）、 （《合》6834）字，目前以釋「捷」、「翦」、「截」為主，各有學者贊同並進行申說。文中藉由文例探討「 」字的語言結構，以確立其動詞屬性，進而嘗試從「 」字形左上的留存「木」筆畫談起，重新思索此字取「戈翦木」作為造字的背後意涵，以及何以用於戰爭軍事之中。藉由意象的建構歸納出「翦」與先民思維間的聯繫，進而探討在此字背後延伸出的相關字詞，如周鳳五依據「櫱」為伐木之餘，解釋「獻（櫱）民」是用以表示遺民身份，即以此配合「翦」字的考釋，揭示先民藉由植物狀態比喻國家的形態。文中亦藉由後世平行的例子進行比較，以「滅」字的產生以及其延伸出相關字形與「翦」做出對比。 The characters (piece 6342) and (piece 6834) have been primarily interpreted as "Jie","Jian" or "Jie" in a majority of literature. After investigating the usage of , this article explores its language composition, thereby establishing its verbal property. Starting from the strokes of "wood" at the upper left of the character , this article seeks to reconsider the connotation of "cutting wood with a dagger-axe" behind its coinage, and address the question as to why this word was used in describing warfare. By virtue of image construction, this article induces the connections between the character "Jian" and our ancestor’s thinking, thereby investigating its derivatives. Based on the character "Xian" interpreted as the detritus of logging, for example, Feng-Wu Zhou argued that the term "Xian people" refers to adherents of a former dynasty. By reference to the textual interpretation of the character "Jian", Feng-Wu Zhou revealed that our ancestors invoked the metaphor of plants to represent the state. This article also performs a comparative analysis of parallel examples of the later times, contrasting the character "Jian" with the coinage of the character "Mie" and its derivatives.
卜辞 （《合》6342）、 （《合》6834）字，目前以释「捷」、「翦」、「截」为主，各有学者赞同并进行申说。文中借由文例探讨「 」字的语言结构，以确立其动词属性，进而尝试从「 」字形左上的留存「木」笔画谈起，重新思索此字取「戈翦木」作为造字的背后意涵，以及何以用于战争军事之中。借由意象的建构归纳出「翦」与先民思维间的联系，进而探讨在此字背后延伸出的相关字词，如周凤五依据「蘖」为伐木之余，解释「献（蘖）民」是用以表示遗民身份，即以此配合「翦」字的考释，揭示先民借由植物状态比喻国家的形态。文中亦借由后世平行的例子进行比较，以「灭」字的产生以及其延伸出相关字形与「翦」做出对比。 The characters (piece 6342) and (piece 6834) have been primarily interpreted as "Jie","Jian" or "Jie" in a majority of literature. After investigating the usage of , this article explores its language composition, thereby establishing its verbal property. Starting from the strokes of "wood" at the upper left of the character , this article seeks to reconsider the connotation of "cutting wood with a dagger-axe" behind its coinage, and address the question as to why this word was used in describing warfare. By virtue of image construction, this article induces the connections between the character "Jian" and our ancestor’s thinking, thereby investigating its derivatives. Based on the character "Xian" interpreted as the detritus of logging, for example, Feng-Wu Zhou argued that the term "Xian people" refers to adherents of a former dynasty. By reference to the textual interpretation of the character "Jian", Feng-Wu Zhou revealed that our ancestors invoked the metaphor of plants to represent the state. This article also performs a comparative analysis of parallel examples of the later times, contrasting the character "Jian" with the coinage of the character "Mie" and its derivatives.
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Pub Date : 2020-06-01DOI: 10.53106/2306036020200600350007
藍日昌 藍日昌
近代所謂漢字文化圈者，意謂在東亞區域之內諸國受中國文化之影響，舉凡儒學、佛教及技術等，皆由中國而向外傳至日、韓、琉及越南等，東亞諸國的文化交流的媒介自然是以漢字為主。 東亞交流雖自六朝開始，但當時並無官方語音的觀念，因此交流之時自以當時主流發音為主，而主流發音則隨政治、經濟形勢而變。六朝時以南方吳音為主流，唐時以河洛及西北方音為主流，南宋時則以蘇杭音為主流。 書寫文字雖同，但音調則有差異，這對其他諸國而言，也是有所困擾，音調雖有變化，但書寫則不變，筆談即是東亞交流中溝通的媒介。 明太祖所建立起朝貢制度，政治及經濟來往熱絡，朝鮮作為明朝與日本的紐帶，明、朝之間的燕行使與朝、日之間的通信使，交往之時大體透過筆談溝通。甚至越南與琉球、日本交往之時亦復透過筆談溝通。 筆談之事，少見於唐宋，入明則筆談的記錄頻率轉增，然則筆談出現的頻率則證諸東亞交流的狀況及文化交流的盛景，其事雖簡，其義則甚重大。 The so-called Chinese cultural circle in modern times means that all countries in the East Asian region are influenced by Chinese culture, and all Confucianism, Buddhism, and technology have been spread from China to Japan, South Korea, Vietnam, and Vietnam, and other countries in East Asia. The medium of cultural exchange is naturally based on Chinese characters. Although the East Asia exchange started from the Six Dynasties, there was no concept of official speech at that time. Therefore, the main stream of pronunciation was mainly from the time when the exchange was made, and the mainstream pronunciation changed with the political and economic situation. At the time of the Six Dynasties, Wu Yin was the mainstream in the South. In the Tang Dynasty, Heluo and Northwestern were the mainstream. In the Southern Song Dynasty, the Su Hang sound was the mainstream. Although the written words are the same, but the tones are different, this is also a nuisance to other countries. Although the tone changes, the writing remains the same. The pen talk is the medium of communication in East Asian communication. Ming Taizu established the tributary system, political and economic exchanges, North Korea as the ties between the Ming Dynasty and Japan, the Yan Dynasty between the Ming Dynasty and the DPRK to exercise communication with the DPRK and Japan, when the exchanges are generally communicated through the pen. Even when Vietnam communicates with Ryukyu and Japan, it communicates through pen talks. The things in pen talk are rare in the Tang and Song dynasties. The frequency of writing records in Ming Ming’s writings has increased. However, the frequency of conversations in writing has confirmed the status of exchanges in East Asia and the grand scene of cultural exchanges. Although the matter is simple, its significance is very significant.
近代所谓汉字文化圈者，意谓在东亚区域之内诸国受中国文化之影响，举凡儒学、佛教及技术等，皆由中国而向外传至日、韩、琉及越南等，东亚诸国的文化交流的媒介自然是以汉字为主。东亚交流虽自六朝开始，但当时并无官方语音的观念，因此交流之时自以当时主流发音为主，而主流发音则随政治、经济形势而变。六朝时以南方吴音为主流，唐时以河洛及西北方音为主流，南宋时则以苏杭音为主流。书写文字虽同，但音调则有差异，这对其他诸国而言，也是有所困扰，音调虽有变化，但书写则不变，笔谈即是东亚交流中沟通的媒介。明太祖所建立起朝贡制度，政治及经济来往热络，朝鲜作为明朝与日本的纽带，明、朝之间的燕行使与朝、日之间的通信使，交往之时大体透过笔谈沟通。甚至越南与琉球、日本交往之时亦复透过笔谈沟通。笔谈之事，少见于唐宋，入明则笔谈的记录频率转增，然则笔谈出现的频率则证诸东亚交流的状况及文化交流的盛景，其事虽简，其义则甚重大。 The so-called Chinese cultural circle in modern times means that all countries in the East Asian region are influenced by Chinese culture, and all Confucianism, Buddhism, and technology have been spread from China to Japan, South Korea, Vietnam, and Vietnam, and other countries in East Asia. The medium of cultural exchange is naturally based on Chinese characters.Although the East Asia exchange started from the Six Dynasties, there was no concept of official speech at that time. Therefore, the main stream of pronunciation was mainly from the time when the exchange was made, and the mainstream pronunciation changed with the political and economic situation. At the time of the Six Dynasties, Wu Yin was the mainstream in the South. In the Tang Dynasty, Heluo and Northwestern were the mainstream. In the Southern Song Dynasty, the Su Hang sound was the mainstream.Although the written words are the same, but the tones are different, this is also a nuisance to other countries. Although the tone changes, the writing remains the same. The pen talk is the medium of communication in East Asian communication.Ming Taizu established the tributary system, political and economic exchanges, North Korea as the ties between the Ming Dynasty and Japan, the Yan Dynasty between the Ming Dynasty and the DPRK to exercise communication with the DPRK and Japan, when the exchanges are generally communicated through the pen. Even when Vietnam communicates with Ryukyu and Japan, it communicates through pen talks.The things in pen talk are rare in the Tang and Song dynasties. The frequency of writing records in Ming Ming’s writings has increased. However, the frequency of conversations in writing has confirmed the status of exchanges in East Asia and the grand scene of cultural exchanges. Although the matter is simple, its significance is very significant.
{"title":"筆談：同文異音下的東亞文化交流","authors":"藍日昌 藍日昌","doi":"10.53106/2306036020200600350007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53106/2306036020200600350007","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 近代所謂漢字文化圈者，意謂在東亞區域之內諸國受中國文化之影響，舉凡儒學、佛教及技術等，皆由中國而向外傳至日、韓、琉及越南等，東亞諸國的文化交流的媒介自然是以漢字為主。\u0000東亞交流雖自六朝開始，但當時並無官方語音的觀念，因此交流之時自以當時主流發音為主，而主流發音則隨政治、經濟形勢而變。六朝時以南方吳音為主流，唐時以河洛及西北方音為主流，南宋時則以蘇杭音為主流。\u0000書寫文字雖同，但音調則有差異，這對其他諸國而言，也是有所困擾，音調雖有變化，但書寫則不變，筆談即是東亞交流中溝通的媒介。\u0000明太祖所建立起朝貢制度，政治及經濟來往熱絡，朝鮮作為明朝與日本的紐帶，明、朝之間的燕行使與朝、日之間的通信使，交往之時大體透過筆談溝通。甚至越南與琉球、日本交往之時亦復透過筆談溝通。\u0000筆談之事，少見於唐宋，入明則筆談的記錄頻率轉增，然則筆談出現的頻率則證諸東亞交流的狀況及文化交流的盛景，其事雖簡，其義則甚重大。\u0000 The so-called Chinese cultural circle in modern times means that all countries in the East Asian region are influenced by Chinese culture, and all Confucianism, Buddhism, and technology have been spread from China to Japan, South Korea, Vietnam, and Vietnam, and other countries in East Asia. The medium of cultural exchange is naturally based on Chinese characters.\u0000Although the East Asia exchange started from the Six Dynasties, there was no concept of official speech at that time. Therefore, the main stream of pronunciation was mainly from the time when the exchange was made, and the mainstream pronunciation changed with the political and economic situation. At the time of the Six Dynasties, Wu Yin was the mainstream in the South. In the Tang Dynasty, Heluo and Northwestern were the mainstream. In the Southern Song Dynasty, the Su Hang sound was the mainstream.\u0000Although the written words are the same, but the tones are different, this is also a nuisance to other countries. Although the tone changes, the writing remains the same. The pen talk is the medium of communication in East Asian communication.\u0000Ming Taizu established the tributary system, political and economic exchanges, North Korea as the ties between the Ming Dynasty and Japan, the Yan Dynasty between the Ming Dynasty and the DPRK to exercise communication with the DPRK and Japan, when the exchanges are generally communicated through the pen. Even when Vietnam communicates with Ryukyu and Japan, it communicates through pen talks.\u0000The things in pen talk are rare in the Tang and Song dynasties. The frequency of writing records in Ming Ming’s writings has increased. However, the frequency of conversations in writing has confirmed the status of exchanges in East Asia and the grand scene of cultural exchanges. Although the matter is simple, its significance is very significant.\u0000 \u0000","PeriodicalId":243831,"journal":{"name":"中正漢學研究","volume":"15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129597321","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-01DOI: 10.53106/2306036020200600350003
賴信宏 賴信宏
清代以來對《唐宋叢書》的評價存在許多歧異，特別是真偽本的分判，背後隱含著書坊在板片轉移後的重新編排。《唐宋叢書》現存有兩種傳本：一為繁本，收編全帙為主，根據目錄所收為88種，實際收書為90種，其中有兩本目錄缺載，另外《異林》一書，總括四種書，若採計之，則有93種之多。一為簡本，書名頁作「經德堂藏板」，所收多為重編《說郛》舊版，內容雖與繁本重疊，然多抽換或新增節錄之本。二種皆增列漢魏20種，故知該書編輯延續《廣漢魏叢書》而來。前人不明繁、簡二本有同名異實之別，故滋生淆亂。本文試圖比對二本編排之差異，說明二本編排上的延續性與特殊性，並考察所收各書的版本價值，以供近人利用《唐宋叢書》之參考。 The reviews and evaluations of Tang Song Congshu (The Collectanea of the Tang and Song Dynasties) have diverged considerably since the Qing Dynasty, particularly the differentiation between the authentic and spurious versions, which concerned the publishers’ rearrangement of the slips. There have been two versions of Tang Song Congshu passed down to date. The first is the complete version, a comprehensive compilation of 90 kinds of book among which two titles were missing in its table of contents, or 93 kinds if the four books included in Yilin is considered. The second is the abridged version. Most of its copies contained the term “Jingde Pavilion Collection” in its title. Reorganizing the early version of Shuofu, the abridged version replaced some books and added some shortened ones although its contents overlapped with the complete version. Both versions contained 20 kinds of books published during the Han and Wei Dynasties, from which we may infer that Tang Song Congshu was compiled by reference to Guang Han-Wei Congshu. Previously, scholars were unaware of the difference in contents between the two versions, hence widespread confusion. This article seeks to explain the continuity and peculiarity of the two versions by comparing their respective arrangements of contents and assessing the value of the books they included, thereby providing an alternative source of reference for scholars who are interested in Tang Song Congshu.
清代以来对《唐宋丛书》的评价存在许多歧异，特别是真伪本的分判，背后隐含著书坊在板片转移后的重新编排。《唐宋丛书》现存有两种传本：一为繁本，收编全帙为主，根据目录所收为88种，实际收书为90种，其中有两本目录缺载，另外《异林》一书，总括四种书，若采计之，则有93种之多。一为简本，书名页作「经德堂藏板」，所收多为重编《说郛》旧版，内容虽与繁本重叠，然多抽换或新增节录之本。二种皆增列汉魏20种，故知该书编辑延续《广汉魏丛书》而来。前人不明繁、简二本有同名异实之别，故滋生淆乱。本文试图比对二本编排之差异，说明二本编排上的延续性与特殊性，并考察所收各书的版本价值，以供近人利用《唐宋丛书》之参考。 The reviews and evaluations of Tang Song Congshu (The Collectanea of the Tang and Song Dynasties) have diverged considerably since the Qing Dynasty, particularly the differentiation between the authentic and spurious versions, which concerned the publishers’ rearrangement of the slips. There have been two versions of Tang Song Congshu passed down to date. The first is the complete version, a comprehensive compilation of 90 kinds of book among which two titles were missing in its table of contents, or 93 kinds if the four books included in Yilin is considered. The second is the abridged version. Most of its copies contained the term “Jingde Pavilion Collection” in its title. Reorganizing the early version of Shuofu, the abridged version replaced some books and added some shortened ones although its contents overlapped with the complete version. Both versions contained 20 kinds of books published during the Han and Wei Dynasties, from which we may infer that Tang Song Congshu was compiled by reference to Guang Han-Wei Congshu. Previously, scholars were unaware of the difference in contents between the two versions, hence widespread confusion. This article seeks to explain the continuity and peculiarity of the two versions by comparing their respective arrangements of contents and assessing the value of the books they included, thereby providing an alternative source of reference for scholars who are interested in Tang Song Congshu.
{"title":"《唐宋叢書》之版本淵源及編纂手法考論","authors":"賴信宏 賴信宏","doi":"10.53106/2306036020200600350003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53106/2306036020200600350003","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 清代以來對《唐宋叢書》的評價存在許多歧異，特別是真偽本的分判，背後隱含著書坊在板片轉移後的重新編排。《唐宋叢書》現存有兩種傳本：一為繁本，收編全帙為主，根據目錄所收為88種，實際收書為90種，其中有兩本目錄缺載，另外《異林》一書，總括四種書，若採計之，則有93種之多。一為簡本，書名頁作「經德堂藏板」，所收多為重編《說郛》舊版，內容雖與繁本重疊，然多抽換或新增節錄之本。二種皆增列漢魏20種，故知該書編輯延續《廣漢魏叢書》而來。前人不明繁、簡二本有同名異實之別，故滋生淆亂。本文試圖比對二本編排之差異，說明二本編排上的延續性與特殊性，並考察所收各書的版本價值，以供近人利用《唐宋叢書》之參考。\u0000 The reviews and evaluations of Tang Song Congshu (The Collectanea of the Tang and Song Dynasties) have diverged considerably since the Qing Dynasty, particularly the differentiation between the authentic and spurious versions, which concerned the publishers’ rearrangement of the slips. There have been two versions of Tang Song Congshu passed down to date. The first is the complete version, a comprehensive compilation of 90 kinds of book among which two titles were missing in its table of contents, or 93 kinds if the four books included in Yilin is considered. The second is the abridged version. Most of its copies contained the term “Jingde Pavilion Collection” in its title. Reorganizing the early version of Shuofu, the abridged version replaced some books and added some shortened ones although its contents overlapped with the complete version. Both versions contained 20 kinds of books published during the Han and Wei Dynasties, from which we may infer that Tang Song Congshu was compiled by reference to Guang Han-Wei Congshu. Previously, scholars were unaware of the difference in contents between the two versions, hence widespread confusion. This article seeks to explain the continuity and peculiarity of the two versions by comparing their respective arrangements of contents and assessing the value of the books they included, thereby providing an alternative source of reference for scholars who are interested in Tang Song Congshu.\u0000 \u0000","PeriodicalId":243831,"journal":{"name":"中正漢學研究","volume":"285 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129653390","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-01DOI: 10.53106/2306036020200600350002
陳靜容 陳靜容
儒家對於道德之意會，常常溢出於言語所能表述的範圍；道德言說，也不一定能夠準確拋擲可辨識的行動意義。在這樣的侷限中，儒學作為一門實踐哲學、生命哲學，若由文獻中抽絲剝繭，則勢必可掘發出儒家道德意義具體展示的重要媒介或管道。 本文旨在掘發《論語》中的「身體」並非僅是與「心靈」相對的「肉體」，而是活生生的、感覺靈敏的、動態的人類身體，它存在於物質空間、社會空間中，還存在於它自身感知、行動和反思的努力空間中。此「身」通過「隱蔽與感知」、「轉化」、「隱喻代言」與「展演」等四種方式，強化道德實踐之必然性；且「身」可作為「禮」的展演場域，兼容禮「意」與禮「儀」的鋪陳展示，建構「以『身』體德」的儒家道德感知模式。 As the third part of "A Study on the Medium of Morality in the Analects of Confucius Series", this study aims to show that although the body functions are not directly emphasized and the body is not viewed as the base of self-awakening in the Analects of Confucius, the transformation of the body’s senses, actions or experiences is employed to highlight the necessity of practicing morality. Moreover, the "body" is regarded as the display field of "propriety", involving the development and exhibition of the "meaning" and "practices" of propriety, while constructing the sensory mode of morality on "experiencing morality through the body".
儒家对于道德之意会，常常溢出于言语所能表述的范围；道德言说，也不一定能够准确抛掷可辨识的行动意义。在这样的局限中，儒学作为一门实践哲学、生命哲学，若由文献中抽丝剥茧，则势必可掘发出儒家道德意义具体展示的重要媒介或管道。本文旨在掘发《论语》中的「身体」并非仅是与「心灵」相对的「肉体」，而是活生生的、感觉灵敏的、动态的人类身体，它存在于物质空间、社会空间中，还存在于它自身感知、行动和反思的努力空间中。此「身」通过「隐蔽与感知」、「转化」、「隐喻代言」与「展演」等四种方式，强化道德实践之必然性；且「身」可作为「礼」的展演场域，兼容礼「意」与礼「仪」的铺陈展示，建构「以『身』体德」的儒家道德感知模式。 As the third part of "A Study on the Medium of Morality in the Analects of Confucius Series", this study aims to show that although the body functions are not directly emphasized and the body is not viewed as the base of self-awakening in the Analects of Confucius, the transformation of the body’s senses, actions or experiences is employed to highlight the necessity of practicing morality. Moreover, the "body" is regarded as the display field of "propriety", involving the development and exhibition of the "meaning" and "practices" of propriety, while constructing the sensory mode of morality on "experiencing morality through the body".
{"title":"《論語》中以「身」體德的詮釋與觀察","authors":"陳靜容 陳靜容","doi":"10.53106/2306036020200600350002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53106/2306036020200600350002","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 儒家對於道德之意會，常常溢出於言語所能表述的範圍；道德言說，也不一定能夠準確拋擲可辨識的行動意義。在這樣的侷限中，儒學作為一門實踐哲學、生命哲學，若由文獻中抽絲剝繭，則勢必可掘發出儒家道德意義具體展示的重要媒介或管道。\u0000本文旨在掘發《論語》中的「身體」並非僅是與「心靈」相對的「肉體」，而是活生生的、感覺靈敏的、動態的人類身體，它存在於物質空間、社會空間中，還存在於它自身感知、行動和反思的努力空間中。此「身」通過「隱蔽與感知」、「轉化」、「隱喻代言」與「展演」等四種方式，強化道德實踐之必然性；且「身」可作為「禮」的展演場域，兼容禮「意」與禮「儀」的鋪陳展示，建構「以『身』體德」的儒家道德感知模式。\u0000 As the third part of \"A Study on the Medium of Morality in the Analects of Confucius Series\", this study aims to show that although the body functions are not directly emphasized and the body is not viewed as the base of self-awakening in the Analects of Confucius, the transformation of the body’s senses, actions or experiences is employed to highlight the necessity of practicing morality. Moreover, the \"body\" is regarded as the display field of \"propriety\", involving the development and exhibition of the \"meaning\" and \"practices\" of propriety, while constructing the sensory mode of morality on \"experiencing morality through the body\".\u0000 \u0000","PeriodicalId":243831,"journal":{"name":"中正漢學研究","volume":"263 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123356840","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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