Résumé Les adverbes français se terminant en –ment ont évolué par un double processus de grammaticalisation. Une première grammaticalisation, d'origine romane, a été responsable de l'émergence de tels adverbes, tandis qu'un second processus (appelé (inter)subjectification) a entrainé des changements syntaxiques et sémantiques spécifiques. Selon Traugott, ces changements répondent aux principaux critères établis pour le processus de grammaticalisation (recatégorisation, amélioration de la portée syntaxique, sens plus abstraits, enrichissement pragmatique et unidirectionalité (Traugott 1995b, 2010; Traugott et Dasher 2002). Afin de prouver cette hypothèse, j'analyse ici une collection de tels adverbes qui ont au moins trois usages différents en français contemporain : sérieusement, honnêtement, franchement, apparemment, carrément, décidément, étonnamment et seulement. Outre l'analyse synchronique et diachronique de ces adverbes, je rapporte des régularités spécifiques (ou chaînes sémantiques, selon Heine et Kuteva (2002) observées au cours de leur évolution.
{"title":"(Inter)subjectivisation et chaines sémantiques dans les adverbes français en –ment : analyse du passage de l'adverbe intégré à la proposition au marqueur discursif","authors":"Emma Álvarez-Prendes","doi":"10.1017/cnj.2021.23","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2021.23","url":null,"abstract":"Résumé Les adverbes français se terminant en –ment ont évolué par un double processus de grammaticalisation. Une première grammaticalisation, d'origine romane, a été responsable de l'émergence de tels adverbes, tandis qu'un second processus (appelé (inter)subjectification) a entrainé des changements syntaxiques et sémantiques spécifiques. Selon Traugott, ces changements répondent aux principaux critères établis pour le processus de grammaticalisation (recatégorisation, amélioration de la portée syntaxique, sens plus abstraits, enrichissement pragmatique et unidirectionalité (Traugott 1995b, 2010; Traugott et Dasher 2002). Afin de prouver cette hypothèse, j'analyse ici une collection de tels adverbes qui ont au moins trois usages différents en français contemporain : sérieusement, honnêtement, franchement, apparemment, carrément, décidément, étonnamment et seulement. Outre l'analyse synchronique et diachronique de ces adverbes, je rapporte des régularités spécifiques (ou chaînes sémantiques, selon Heine et Kuteva (2002) observées au cours de leur évolution.","PeriodicalId":44406,"journal":{"name":"CANADIAN JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS-REVUE CANADIENNE DE LINGUISTIQUE","volume":"24 1","pages":"346 - 373"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-08-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78563670","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The inflection of Algonquian transitive verbs includes an agreement suffix known as the central ending (Goddard 1969). The patterning of this suffix can ordinarily be described without reference to syntactic roles: the central ending indexes either (i) both arguments simultaneously or (ii) the argument with more richly specified phi-features. In certain contexts, however, the central ending instead appears to show a preference for indexing the subject, even when the subject’s features are clearly less specified than those of the object (Xu 2016: 54–57, Bhatia et al. 2018). This exceptional subject preference is surprising to observe in an agreement slot that is otherwise conditioned purely by feature hierarchies rather than syntactic roles, and it presents challenges for the overall analysis of Algonquian agreement. In this squib I argue that the exceptional subject preference is only apparent. Rather than a preference to index the subject, there is a more general preference to maximize the informational value of the agreement morphology by not redundantly repeating exactly the same information in two agreement slots. In certain contexts, this pressure has driven the central ending to index the subject even though the subject’s features are less specified than those of the object, simply because the object’s features have already been fully identified in a separate agreement slot. This process, which can be formalized as an impoverishment rule, creates the illusion of a preference to index the subject, but in fact the only preference is to make the agreement morphology as informative as possible. The lesson that emerges is that the possibility of describing a morphological pattern in syntactic terms does not guarantee that the correct explanation for the pattern actually lies in the syntax. Morphological factors can conspire to create patterns that deceptively appear to have a syntactic source. The squib proceeds as follows. Section 2 introduces the exceptional subject preference. Section 3 considers and rejects a syntactic account. Section 4 proposes a morphological account in which subjecthood plays no role. Finally, section 5
阿尔冈琴语及物动词的词形变化包括一个被称为中心词尾的协议后缀(Goddard 1969)。该后缀的模式通常可以在不参考语法角色的情况下进行描述:中心结尾索引(i)同时索引两个参数或(ii)具有更丰富指定的phi-features的参数。然而，在某些情况下，中心结尾似乎表现出对主题的索引偏好，即使主题的特征明显不如对象的特征明确(Xu 2016: 54-57, Bhatia et al. 2018)。在一个纯粹由特征层次而不是句法角色决定的协议槽中观察到这种特殊的主题偏好是令人惊讶的，它为Algonquian协议的整体分析提出了挑战。在这篇短文中，我认为这种特殊的学科偏好只是表面上的。与索引主题的偏好不同，更普遍的偏好是通过在两个协议槽中不冗余重复完全相同的信息来最大化协议形态的信息价值。在某些上下文中，这种压力驱使中心结尾对主体进行索引，即使主体的特征没有客体的特征那么明确，因为客体的特征已经在一个单独的协议槽中被完全识别了。这个过程，可以形式化为一个贫困化规则，创造了一个优先索引主体的错觉，但事实上，唯一的偏好是使协议形态尽可能地提供信息。由此得出的教训是，用语法术语描述形态模式的可能性并不能保证对该模式的正确解释实际上存在于语法中。形态因素可以共同创造出看似有语法来源的模式。爆竹的过程如下。第二节介绍了特殊的学科偏好。第3节考虑并拒绝句法解释。第4节提出了一个形态学的解释，其中主体性没有发挥作用。最后是第5部分
{"title":"An illusory subject preference in Algonquian agreement","authors":"Will Oxford","doi":"10.1017/cnj.2021.13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2021.13","url":null,"abstract":"The inflection of Algonquian transitive verbs includes an agreement suffix known as the central ending (Goddard 1969). The patterning of this suffix can ordinarily be described without reference to syntactic roles: the central ending indexes either (i) both arguments simultaneously or (ii) the argument with more richly specified phi-features. In certain contexts, however, the central ending instead appears to show a preference for indexing the subject, even when the subject’s features are clearly less specified than those of the object (Xu 2016: 54–57, Bhatia et al. 2018). This exceptional subject preference is surprising to observe in an agreement slot that is otherwise conditioned purely by feature hierarchies rather than syntactic roles, and it presents challenges for the overall analysis of Algonquian agreement. In this squib I argue that the exceptional subject preference is only apparent. Rather than a preference to index the subject, there is a more general preference to maximize the informational value of the agreement morphology by not redundantly repeating exactly the same information in two agreement slots. In certain contexts, this pressure has driven the central ending to index the subject even though the subject’s features are less specified than those of the object, simply because the object’s features have already been fully identified in a separate agreement slot. This process, which can be formalized as an impoverishment rule, creates the illusion of a preference to index the subject, but in fact the only preference is to make the agreement morphology as informative as possible. The lesson that emerges is that the possibility of describing a morphological pattern in syntactic terms does not guarantee that the correct explanation for the pattern actually lies in the syntax. Morphological factors can conspire to create patterns that deceptively appear to have a syntactic source. The squib proceeds as follows. Section 2 introduces the exceptional subject preference. Section 3 considers and rejects a syntactic account. Section 4 proposes a morphological account in which subjecthood plays no role. Finally, section 5","PeriodicalId":44406,"journal":{"name":"CANADIAN JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS-REVUE CANADIENNE DE LINGUISTIQUE","volume":"23 1","pages":"412 - 430"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-07-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90986659","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article examines two instances of metathesis that have occurred in Ch'ol (Mayan) since the late 18th century. While at first, they may seem to be cases of irregular, sporadic change, a closer look at constraints involving ejective consonants within disyllabic and trisyllabic roots or stems suggests that these cases conform to a regular pattern within Ch'ol, and more generally, Mayan languages, in which reflexes of *q’ or *k’ are preferred in medial position in disyllabic roots with a medial glottalized consonant. The data support Hume's (2004) attestation assumption for metathesis, as well as Hock's (1985) structural motivation.
{"title":"The regularizing, analogical effect of metathesis in Modern Ch'ol (Mayan): The cases of 7ejk'ach ‘fingernail, claw’ and 7ik'oty ‘with, and’","authors":"David F. Mora-Marín","doi":"10.1017/cnj.2021.20","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2021.20","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article examines two instances of metathesis that have occurred in Ch'ol (Mayan) since the late 18th century. While at first, they may seem to be cases of irregular, sporadic change, a closer look at constraints involving ejective consonants within disyllabic and trisyllabic roots or stems suggests that these cases conform to a regular pattern within Ch'ol, and more generally, Mayan languages, in which reflexes of *q’ or *k’ are preferred in medial position in disyllabic roots with a medial glottalized consonant. The data support Hume's (2004) attestation assumption for metathesis, as well as Hock's (1985) structural motivation.","PeriodicalId":44406,"journal":{"name":"CANADIAN JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS-REVUE CANADIENNE DE LINGUISTIQUE","volume":"1 1","pages":"317 - 345"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-07-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81495895","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Viviane Déprez and Fabiola Henri (eds) 2018. Negation and Negative Concord: The view from creoles. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Pp. x + 325. $US 158.","authors":"G. Dalmi","doi":"10.1017/cnj.2021.18","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2021.18","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44406,"journal":{"name":"CANADIAN JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS-REVUE CANADIENNE DE LINGUISTIQUE","volume":"22 6S 1","pages":"443 - 447"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76516951","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Anderson, Stephen R. 1985. Phonology in the twentieth century. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Bloomfield, Leonard. 1933. Language. New York: Holt. Joseph, John. 2012. Saussure. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Lehmann, Winfred P. (editor and translator). 1967. A reader in nineteenth century historical Indo-European linguistics. Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press. Morpurgo Davies, Anna. 2004. Saussure and Indo-European linguistics. In The Cambridge companion to Saussure, ed. Carol Sanders, 9–29. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Osthoff, Hermann and Karl Brugmann. 1878. Morphologische Untersuchungen auf dem Gebiete der indogermanischen Sprachen I [Morphological investigations in the sphere of the Indo-European languages]. Leipzig: S. Hirzel . Sapir, Edward. 1921. Language. New York: Harcourt Brace. de Saussure, Ferdinand. 1879. Mémoire sur le système primitif des voyelles dans les langues indo-européennes. Leipzig: Teubner. Seuren, Pieter A.M. 2018. Saussure and Sechehaye: Myth and genius. A study in the history of linguistics and the foundations of language. Leiden: Brill. Trubetzkoy, Nikolai. 1939. Grundzüge der Phonologie I [Principles of phonology I]. Prague: Travaux du Cercle Linguistique de Prague. Wenker, Georg. 1877. Das Rheinische Platt mit einer autographischen Karte [The Rhenish dialect with an autographic map]. Düsseldorf: Schulte.
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{"title":"Hanni Woodbury. 2018. A reference grammar of the Onondaga language. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Pp. xx + 481. CAN $125 (hardcover)","authors":"M. Barrie","doi":"10.1017/cnj.2021.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2021.9","url":null,"abstract":"Anderson, Stephen R. 1985. Phonology in the twentieth century. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Bloomfield, Leonard. 1933. Language. New York: Holt. Joseph, John. 2012. Saussure. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Lehmann, Winfred P. (editor and translator). 1967. A reader in nineteenth century historical Indo-European linguistics. Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press. Morpurgo Davies, Anna. 2004. Saussure and Indo-European linguistics. In The Cambridge companion to Saussure, ed. Carol Sanders, 9–29. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Osthoff, Hermann and Karl Brugmann. 1878. Morphologische Untersuchungen auf dem Gebiete der indogermanischen Sprachen I [Morphological investigations in the sphere of the Indo-European languages]. Leipzig: S. Hirzel . Sapir, Edward. 1921. Language. New York: Harcourt Brace. de Saussure, Ferdinand. 1879. Mémoire sur le système primitif des voyelles dans les langues indo-européennes. Leipzig: Teubner. Seuren, Pieter A.M. 2018. Saussure and Sechehaye: Myth and genius. A study in the history of linguistics and the foundations of language. Leiden: Brill. Trubetzkoy, Nikolai. 1939. Grundzüge der Phonologie I [Principles of phonology I]. Prague: Travaux du Cercle Linguistique de Prague. Wenker, Georg. 1877. Das Rheinische Platt mit einer autographischen Karte [The Rhenish dialect with an autographic map]. Düsseldorf: Schulte.","PeriodicalId":44406,"journal":{"name":"CANADIAN JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS-REVUE CANADIENNE DE LINGUISTIQUE","volume":"40 1","pages":"134 - 137"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-06-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87203860","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The goal of this article is to diagnose a verbal construction which has made it to common use in Austrian German and is typically unknown to many speakers of Federal German who have not been exposed to Austrian German. This construction is based on the verb gehen (‘go’) conjoined by a particle and the reflexive. An argument for its analysis as a degree-based sufficiency construction is developed, which is constructed by extending existing approaches in the literature on enough constructions and suggesting a meaning of the construction at hand, which is presuppositional in multiple respects. The results of diachronic corpus searches as well as the significance of the results of this work for the space of possibilities of the semantic change of motion verbs are discussed.
{"title":"‘Sich ausgehen’: On modalizing go constructions in Austrian German","authors":"Remus Gergel, Martin Kopf-Giammanco","doi":"10.1017/cnj.2021.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2021.10","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The goal of this article is to diagnose a verbal construction which has made it to common use in Austrian German and is typically unknown to many speakers of Federal German who have not been exposed to Austrian German. This construction is based on the verb gehen (‘go’) conjoined by a particle and the reflexive. An argument for its analysis as a degree-based sufficiency construction is developed, which is constructed by extending existing approaches in the literature on enough constructions and suggesting a meaning of the construction at hand, which is presuppositional in multiple respects. The results of diachronic corpus searches as well as the significance of the results of this work for the space of possibilities of the semantic change of motion verbs are discussed.","PeriodicalId":44406,"journal":{"name":"CANADIAN JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS-REVUE CANADIENNE DE LINGUISTIQUE","volume":"39 1","pages":"141 - 190"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77678648","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract A widely accepted assumption in both the syntactic and semantic literature is that copulas lack semantic content. A consequent question is how to explain the existence in certain languages of two copular verbs that give rise to different interpretations. Such is the case in numerous languages of the Dene family (formerly known as Athapaskan). We explain this situation with the hypothesis that the copulas realize an underlying three-copula system differing in argument structure. Differences between the interpretations of copular clauses in these languages originate in the compositional semantics of these structures, not in any lexical semantic differences. This hypothesis successfully predicts the distributional differences between the surface forms of the Dene copulas, such as their compatibility with adjuncts of time and intentionality, interactions with accusative case, and semantic lifetime effects.
{"title":"Copular clauses in Dene languages: Argument structure and interpretation","authors":"N. Welch, Marie-Louise Bouvier White","doi":"10.1017/cnj.2021.12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2021.12","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract A widely accepted assumption in both the syntactic and semantic literature is that copulas lack semantic content. A consequent question is how to explain the existence in certain languages of two copular verbs that give rise to different interpretations. Such is the case in numerous languages of the Dene family (formerly known as Athapaskan). We explain this situation with the hypothesis that the copulas realize an underlying three-copula system differing in argument structure. Differences between the interpretations of copular clauses in these languages originate in the compositional semantics of these structures, not in any lexical semantic differences. This hypothesis successfully predicts the distributional differences between the surface forms of the Dene copulas, such as their compatibility with adjuncts of time and intentionality, interactions with accusative case, and semantic lifetime effects.","PeriodicalId":44406,"journal":{"name":"CANADIAN JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS-REVUE CANADIENNE DE LINGUISTIQUE","volume":"1 1","pages":"223 - 254"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82919833","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Patrick “Paddy” Drysdale (1929–2020)","authors":"Stefan Dollinger, Victor A. Neufeldt","doi":"10.1017/cnj.2021.15","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2021.15","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44406,"journal":{"name":"CANADIAN JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS-REVUE CANADIENNE DE LINGUISTIQUE","volume":"1 1","pages":"275 - 278"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82114960","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This study takes a force-theoretic approach to Mandarin V1-V2 resultative constructions. Unlike event-based analyses that hold a causing event accountable for a result state, this study attributes a result state to a specific entity involved in the relevant causing event. In this way, V1-V2 resultative construction (RC) sentences have the interpretation that through a causing action, one entity relevant to the action caused a change of state to another entity; this causal influence is reconceptualized as a force from the former entity, characterizing the situation change concerning the latter entity. Following Copley and Harley (2015), this conceptual reanalysis is represented structurally, successfully deriving V1-V2 RC sentences. V2 and the internal argument DP specify the property of a resultant situation and its holder, defining the force; the external argument DP tells about this force's source; V1 modifies this force, indicating the causing action through which this force is realized.
{"title":"Reanalyzing Mandarin V1-V2 resultative constructions—A force-theoretic approach","authors":"P. Han","doi":"10.1017/cnj.2021.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2021.11","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study takes a force-theoretic approach to Mandarin V1-V2 resultative constructions. Unlike event-based analyses that hold a causing event accountable for a result state, this study attributes a result state to a specific entity involved in the relevant causing event. In this way, V1-V2 resultative construction (RC) sentences have the interpretation that through a causing action, one entity relevant to the action caused a change of state to another entity; this causal influence is reconceptualized as a force from the former entity, characterizing the situation change concerning the latter entity. Following Copley and Harley (2015), this conceptual reanalysis is represented structurally, successfully deriving V1-V2 RC sentences. V2 and the internal argument DP specify the property of a resultant situation and its holder, defining the force; the external argument DP tells about this force's source; V1 modifies this force, indicating the causing action through which this force is realized.","PeriodicalId":44406,"journal":{"name":"CANADIAN JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS-REVUE CANADIENNE DE LINGUISTIQUE","volume":"385 1","pages":"191 - 222"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76462207","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"CNJ volume 66 issue 2 Cover and Back matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/cnj.2021.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2021.7","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44406,"journal":{"name":"CANADIAN JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS-REVUE CANADIENNE DE LINGUISTIQUE","volume":"1 1","pages":"b1 - b2"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89804824","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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