INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS JOURNAL最新文献

Industrial relations studies have struggled to explain the variations in human resource (HR) practices in firms operating in the same institutional contexts and sectors and facing similar market pressures. Budd, Pohler, and Huang's (2021) model on the frames of reference used by managers and employees constitutes a notable exception, as it focuses on how actors view HR practices. We build on this model and critique and extend it by including unions as actors and exploring employers' and unions' frames concerning HR practices and the ensuing outcomes. We also develop an analytical framework composed of workplace-level relational and beyond-workplace external elements. We invite future research to show the empirical validity of our model and framework.

While employee engagement might enhance staff wellbeing alongside organisational performance, delivering mutual gains can be challenging. This article assesses co-production as a route to engagement in a public health workplace, and finds that co-produced engagement strategies and mutual gains outcomes are possible where underpinned by genuinely collaborative organisational governance arrangements.

In decentralized systems where unionization and bargaining occur at the establishment level, what explains the (speedy) transition from union registration to the first collective agreement? While prior evidence in some developed countries (i.e., the United States) estimates this transition to be approximately a year, on average, little to no evidence exists in other contexts where unions play a less central role, as is the case in many developing countries. Addressing this gap, we analyze the Philippines where national unionization and collective bargaining coverage rates are relatively low. Using methods from survival analysis on novel register data of all new union registrations from 2016 to 2021, we descriptively demonstrate that: (i) median union membership density is low at 40%; (ii) only 20% of all new union registrations successfully register a contract within the first 5 years; and (iii) unions with higher densities, that are independent, and in the manufacturing sector are associated with elevated transition rates to a collective agreement.

In many European democracies, political parties and trade unions have developed a long-standing relationship. This relationship has certainly evolved over the last few decades as both actors have had to adapt to changes in their constituencies. This study examines the evolving dynamics between political parties and trade unions across Europe, with a focus on both Western and Central-Eastern European contexts. By utilising data from the Comparative Interest Group survey, we investigate how factors such as political power, resources, and ideological alignments influence these interactions. Our findings reveal that unions prioritise contacts with ruling parties, underscoring the importance of political access. Despite assumptions, financial resources alone do not determine engagement frequency, as well as ideological alliances. We also highlight differing contact levels influenced by political systems, showing that pluralist environments foster more interaction compared to corporatist settings. This research contributes valuable insights into the adaptive strategies of trade unions in contemporary democracies, reflecting on historical ties and varying institutional landscapes.

Recent contributions within the disconnected capitalism literature argue that personal financial insecurity related to household indebtedness and pension fund financialisation is positively associated with time-related underemployment. This is because financially insecure workers are more likely to accept worsening working conditions on the fear of losing their job and defaulting on their debts. Using quarterly data from the Eurostat for the period 2008Q3–2020Q4, this paper shows that the persistent rise of time-related underemployment rates in postcrisis Greece is robustly associated with the household debt ratio and pension fund investments in financial derivatives. We also demonstrate that while the effects of financialisation are similar for men and women, the employment-tied and gendered nature of social benefits in the country has disproportionately affected women in the context of austerity. The paper concludes that personal financial insecurity is a key missing factor behind rising time-related underemployment in Greece since 2008.

Union density has fallen dramatically in many western European countries over recent decades, with grave implications for unions' strength and legitimacy regarding collective bargaining. Free-riding remains an ongoing challenge in maintaining union membership levels, as covered nonunion workers generally receive the same collectively bargained terms as union members. To help resolve this problem, we propose a union default that would, as a legal requirement, automatically enrol all workers under coverage as union members in the first instance, but with a subsequent right to opt-out. We use survey evidence from New Zealand to suggest that nearly half these nonunion workers working for unionised employers would retain membership if defaulted. A default would be effective at converting nonunion workers into union members partly because it would shift the norms of the workplace from nonunion to union, as per social custom theory.

The article focuses on the factors that explain the emergence and accomplishments of the ‘FairTube’ campaign, which was initiated in 2019 by the YouTubers Union and the German metalworkers' union IG Metall, and was later established as a formalised German association (“Verein”). While the initial focus of the campaign was on changing the monetisation rules, which YouTube had altered very abruptly in 2017, the initiative subsequently focused on improving the working conditions of content creators. Methodologically, we deploy a mixed-methods design that flanks media discourse network analysis through qualitative content analysis of expert interviews, which helps to identify the interaction between these established and new actors in the governance and interest representation in the digital platform economy. Our findings reveal a ‘hybrid form of governance’ that, by aligning ideologies and combining sources of power, was able to accomplish most of the goals set out by the campaign (avoiding arbitrary platform decisions, increasing transparency and communication, securing creators' income). We conclude that new forms of collective action, i.e. the coalition between “old” and “new” organizations, may mitigate particular negative consequences of the platform economy. The study seeks to contribute to a better understanding of platform work and to the concepts of power, ideas, and interests in industrial relations.