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Power, place and profit: the Kona coffee geographic indication 权力、地位和利益:科纳咖啡的地理标志
IF 4.3 2区 社会学 Q1 AGRICULTURE, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2026-10-16 DOI: 10.1007/s10460-026-10998-z
Sanya Cowal, Madeleine Fairbairn

Geographical indications (GIs)—product labels linked to geographic origin—may benefit local farmers and preserve place-based value. However, a growing body of scholarship reveals that powerful value chain actors frequently co-opt GI governance, capturing the majority of economic benefits, decreasing product quality, and marginalizing farmers. We examine the Kona coffee GI as a unique case in which smallholder farmers increased their influence over their GI governance system, redefining the GI through the 2024 passage of House Bill 2298. This bill mandates that coffee labeled as “Kona” must contain at least 51% Kona coffee, a significant increase from the 10% minimum previously required for the last three decades. We draw on 40 interviews and event ethnography at two major coffee industry conferences to trace the long power struggle over the Kona coffee GI. We find that farmers achieved this unprecedented legislative change through a confluence of factors: 1) gaining political influence through organizing, alliances, and legal victories, 2) capitalizing on consumer shifts in the growing specialty coffee market, and 3) leveraging technological advancements to decrease dependence on intermediaries. The Kona coffee case provides a compelling example of farmer-led GI reform. However, the aftermath of HB2298’s passage also reveals limits to farmer leverage, as possible market retaliation and deeply embedded supply chain inequities continue to threaten the legislation’s long-term gains. Our findings highlight the complex and contingent nature of farmer empowerment in GI systems and underscore the need for deep attention to the power dynamics that govern alternative food labeling schemes.

地理标志(GIs)——与地理来源相关的产品标签——可以使当地农民受益,并保持基于地方的价值。然而,越来越多的学术研究表明,强大的价值链参与者经常参与地理标志治理,攫取大部分经济利益,降低产品质量,并将农民边缘化。我们将科纳咖啡地理标志作为一个独特的案例来研究,在这个案例中,小农增加了他们对地理标志治理体系的影响力,通过2024年通过的众议院2298号法案重新定义了地理标志。该法案规定,标注为“科纳”的咖啡必须含有至少51%的科纳咖啡,这比过去三十年中最低10%的要求有了显著提高。我们在两次主要的咖啡行业会议上进行了40次采访和事件人类学研究,以追踪科纳咖啡地理标志的长期权力斗争。我们发现,农民通过一系列因素实现了这一前所未有的立法变革:1)通过组织、联盟和法律胜利获得政治影响力;2)利用不断增长的精品咖啡市场的消费者转变;3)利用技术进步减少对中间商的依赖。科纳咖啡案为农民主导的地理标志改革提供了一个令人信服的例子。然而,HB2298法案通过的后果也揭示了农民杠杆的局限性,因为可能的市场报复和根深蒂固的供应链不平等继续威胁着该法案的长期收益。我们的研究结果强调了地理标志系统中农民赋权的复杂性和偶然性,并强调了对管理替代食品标签计划的权力动态进行深入关注的必要性。
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引用次数: 0
The gender dynamics of crop varietal choices in rural Kenya: navigating risk, diversification, and decision-making 肯尼亚农村作物品种选择的性别动态:导航风险、多样化和决策
IF 4.3 2区 社会学 Q1 AGRICULTURE, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2026-10-15 DOI: 10.1007/s10460-026-10996-1
Brenda Boonabaana, Peruth Naturinda, Carol Waweru, Benjamin Kivuva, Martina Cavicchioli, Berber Kramer

How do women and men farmers in Kenya situate, form, and pursue varietal choices amidst unequal gender relations, seed markets, and climate variability? Drawing on 67 individual interviews and focus group discussions across five Kenyan counties—Bungoma, Busia, Meru, Tharaka Nithi, and Makueni, we apply a feminist political ecology (FPE) lens to examine women and men smallholder farmers’ varietal choices and use in rural Kenya. We show that varietal choice is neither linear nor a simple shift toward ‘newness’ but rather a gendered, intersectional, and bioculturally embedded process of negotiation by farmers to maintain seed diversity and meet multiple short-term and long-term needs, including consumption, marketability, agroecological adaptation and cultural drivers such as labor demands and culinary values. While production traits were prioritized by both women and men, women also highly valued processing and consumption traits. Men (adults and youth) prioritized market traits such as yield potential and market potential. Varietal availability, trust, price, and agroecological fit shape women and men’s perceptions about a variety, choice and use. Gender and age differences shape varietal awareness, with young men and women’s access to information through digital platforms, while adult women relied on interpersonal and local networks. Adult men used radio and mobile phones. Findings illuminate farmers’ strategic maintenance of varietal portfolios spanning both local landraces and breeding varieties. We conclude that seed policies should integrate local knowledge and gendered realities, availability, and access to preferred varieties. Strengthening farmer-researcher crop technology co-creation through participatory breeding, on-farm seed conservation and multiplication is essential.

在不平等的性别关系、种子市场和气候变化中,肯尼亚的女性和男性农民如何定位、形成和追求品种选择?通过对肯尼亚五个县(邦戈马、布西亚、梅鲁、塔拉卡·尼希和马库尼)的67次个人访谈和焦点小组讨论,我们运用女权主义政治生态学(FPE)的视角,考察了肯尼亚农村男女小农的品种选择和使用情况。我们的研究表明,品种选择既不是线性的,也不是向“新颖性”的简单转变,而是农民为保持种子多样性并满足多种短期和长期需求(包括消费、适销性、农业生态适应和劳动力需求和烹饪价值等文化驱动因素)而进行的性别、交叉和生物文化嵌入谈判过程。虽然女性和男性都优先考虑生产特征,但女性也高度重视加工和消费特征。男性(成年人和年轻人)优先考虑产量潜力和市场潜力等市场特征。品种的可得性、信任度、价格和农业生态契合度塑造了女性和男性对品种、选择和使用的看法。性别和年龄差异影响了品种意识,年轻男性和女性通过数字平台获取信息,而成年女性则依赖人际和地方网络。成年男性使用收音机和移动电话。研究结果阐明了农民对品种组合的战略性维护,包括地方品种和育种品种。我们得出结论,种子政策应综合考虑当地知识、性别现实、可获得性和优选品种的可及性。通过参与式育种、农场种子保存和繁殖,加强农民与研究人员作物技术的共同创造是至关重要的。
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引用次数: 0
Women’s self-help groups, natural farming, and the gendered politics of agrarian governance in India 妇女自助团体,自然农业,以及印度土地管理的性别政治
IF 4.3 2区 社会学 Q1 AGRICULTURE, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2026-10-15 DOI: 10.1007/s10460-026-10997-0
Carly E. Nichols, Nidhi Kumari

Recent years have seen increased scholarly interest in how to “scale” agroecology through institutional mechanisms, however little research has examined the gendered dynamics of such institutional scaling. This paper attempts to build this research through examining how state agencies and NGOs in India use women’s Self-Help Groups (SHGs) as shared infrastructure for promoting natural farming. Drawing on qualitative fieldwork across two districts in eastern Madhya Pradesh, this paper identifies two interrelated governance dynamics from using women’s institutions as platforms of implementation. First, constrained participation refers to how women are recruited as frontline agents of agricultural change yet lack the household authority, time, and material support necessary to ensure its adoption. Second, redistributed liability describes how when interventions falter, accountability can travel downward through domestic relationships, community reputation, and SHG social networks, settling on the women tasked with delivery rather than institutional actors responsible for intervention design. We situate these findings within feminist scholarship on development and debates on agroecology governance. Overall the paper’s main argument is that SHGs in India increasingly work as infrastructures of state and NGO governance, and that routing natural farming through SHGs has the potential to shift the risks of agricultural transition onto SHG members.

近年来,学术界对如何通过制度机制“扩大”农业生态学的兴趣日益浓厚,然而,很少有研究考察这种制度规模的性别动态。本文试图通过检查印度的国家机构和非政府组织如何利用妇女自助团体(SHGs)作为促进自然农业的共享基础设施来建立这项研究。根据中央邦东部两个地区的定性实地调查,本文确定了利用妇女机构作为实施平台的两种相互关联的治理动态。首先,有限的参与是指女性被招募为农业变革的一线推动者,但却缺乏确保其采用所需的家庭权威、时间和物质支持。其次,再分配责任描述了当干预措施出现问题时,责任如何通过家庭关系、社区声誉和SHG社会网络向下传播,将责任集中在负责分娩的妇女身上,而不是负责干预措施设计的机构行动者。我们将这些发现置于关于发展的女权主义奖学金和关于农业生态治理的辩论中。总的来说,这篇论文的主要论点是,印度的SHG越来越多地成为国家和非政府组织治理的基础设施,通过SHG引导自然农业有可能将农业转型的风险转移到SHG成员身上。
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引用次数: 0
Thirty-five years after Farmer First: embedding farmer participation in national agricultural policy and practice “农民优先”后的35年:将农民参与纳入国家农业政策和实践
IF 4.3 2区 社会学 Q1 AGRICULTURE, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2026-10-15 DOI: 10.1007/s10460-026-10976-5
Martina Occelli, Jacqueline Ashby, Marvin Gomez, Sally Humphries, Clare M. Mukankusi, Jean Claude Rubyogo, Mamourou Sidibe, David J. Spielman, John Thompson, Eva Weltzien, Hale Ann Tufan

Thirty-five years ago, the Farmer First movement presented a new paradigm for agricultural R&D, making the case for a more prominent role for farmers in the design, development, and dissemination of agricultural technologies and practices. Since then, a diverse range of projects have been implemented with explicit attention to the engagement and participation of farmers and farmer-based organizations. After nearly four decades, it is worth reflecting further on the full extent of this paradigm’s impact on research and innovation policy. Specifically, has the movement led to the institutionalization of meaningful farmer engagement and participation in national policy formulation and implementation? To answer this question, we adopt a case study approach and combine project and public policy document analysis with key informant interviews held with actors in government, research institutions, donor agencies, and farmer organizations. We select three farmer-first-oriented projects in Honduras, Mali, and the eastern Africa region, each of which have had long exposure to the participatory principles we expect to see reflected in the agricultural policies of the country. We document the specific interactions between project actors and the policy space. We then analyze common policy trends across case studies. First, we find that change is often driven by highly motivated individuals who operate with a lack of buy-in from policy-relevant institutions. Second, we observe change when organizations practicing farmer-first approaches partner with more influential organizations, which may not have internalized those principles but have a common interest in the dissemination of technologies and practices. Third, we find that national agricultural policies in the case study countries are not codifying well-established participatory practices. We discuss pathways toward greater farmer participation in light of these findings.

35年前,“农民优先”运动为农业研发提供了一个新的范例,使农民在农业技术和实践的设计、开发和传播中发挥更重要的作用。从那时起,实施了各种各样的项目,明确重视农民和农民组织的参与。经过近40年的发展,我们有必要进一步反思这一范式对研究和创新政策的全面影响。具体来说,这场运动是否使农民有意义地参与和参与国家政策的制定和实施制度化?为了回答这个问题,我们采用了案例研究方法,并将项目和公共政策文件分析与对政府、研究机构、捐助机构和农民组织的关键信息提供者的访谈相结合。我们在洪都拉斯、马里和东非地区选择了三个以农民优先为导向的项目,每个项目都长期奉行参与性原则,我们希望看到这些原则反映在该国的农业政策中。我们记录了项目参与者和策略空间之间的特定交互。然后,我们分析跨案例研究的共同政策趋势。首先,我们发现,变革往往是由高度积极的个人推动的,他们在缺乏政策相关机构支持的情况下运作。第二,当实践农民优先方法的组织与更有影响力的组织合作时,我们观察到变化,这些组织可能没有内化这些原则,但在传播技术和实践方面有共同利益。第三,我们发现案例研究国家的国家农业政策并没有将成熟的参与性实践编纂成法律。根据这些发现,我们讨论了提高农民参与的途径。
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引用次数: 0
“We don’t have data, but we do have ideas” handling the epistemic discomfort green ag-tech brings “我们没有数据,但我们有想法”来应对绿色农业技术带来的认知上的不适
IF 4.3 2区 社会学 Q1 AGRICULTURE, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2026-10-14 DOI: 10.1007/s10460-026-10991-6
Victoria Brun, Baptiste Kotras, Soazig Di Bianco, Victor Potier

How to develop knowledge that addresses the ecological crisis, within epistemic cultures shaped by a productivist world? This paper analyses the development of a digital decision-support system (DSS) by a French agricultural technical institute. The tool aims to promote agroecology by using Bayesian networks to model complex combinations of agricultural practices (agronomic “levers”), filling a gap where traditional randomized controlled trials fail to measure multi-variable interactions. Traditionally trained in the rigor of controlled experimental data, these experts must generate probabilistic models based on their own experience and expertise, in the absence of reference datasets. Based on a two-year ethnographic inquiry within the institute, we analyse what we call the epistemic discomfort experienced by agronomists. We describe the material techniques used by experts to handle epistemic discomfort in the making of the software, and show how the digitisation process brings into tension divergent epistemic cultures as well as competing imperatives, that is, the greening of production and the retaining of high yield objectives. As a consequence, it does not subvert the dominant agronomic culture but rather hybridises it.

如何在由生产主义世界塑造的认知文化中发展解决生态危机的知识?本文分析了法国某农业技术研究所数字化决策支持系统(DSS)的开发。该工具旨在通过使用贝叶斯网络来模拟农业实践的复杂组合(农艺“杠杆”)来促进农业生态学,填补传统随机对照试验无法测量多变量相互作用的空白。这些专家传统上接受严格的受控实验数据训练,在缺乏参考数据集的情况下,必须根据自己的经验和专业知识生成概率模型。根据该研究所为期两年的人种学调查,我们分析了我们称之为农学家所经历的认知不适。我们描述了专家在软件制作过程中用于处理认知不适的材料技术,并展示了数字化过程如何带来不同的认知文化以及竞争的必要性,即生产的绿色化和保持高产量目标。因此,它并没有颠覆占主导地位的农艺文化,而是使其杂交。
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引用次数: 0
Collaborative seed system partnerships in Africa: debates and considerations for transformative impact 非洲种子系统合作伙伴关系:变革影响的辩论和考虑
IF 4.3 2区 社会学 Q1 AGRICULTURE, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2026-10-14 DOI: 10.1007/s10460-026-10992-5
Helena Shilomboleni, Matthew A. Schnurr, Melanie Connor

International agricultural initiatives in sub-Saharan Africa have evolved over time to develop and disseminate crop varieties that deliver performance on yield, nutrition and climate resilience. Many of these activities are part of the New Green Revolution for Africa (GR4A), which promotes demand-oriented programs that pay attention to women and marginalized households that have not previously benefited from earlier Green Revolution initiatives. At the same time, critics view the GR4A as enabling the commercial formalization of seed systems in ways that marginalize smallholder farmers and dispose of their agency in agricultural decision-making. This paper presents research findings from an international collaborative rice partnership in Kenya to showcase the nature and impact of its activities. The study findings demonstrate how the promotion of Komboka rice variety (IR05N221) garnered success through concerted efforts to foster horizontal partnerships, based on joint decision-making and mutual respect with a diversity of key national actors, including farmer organizations. The research also found that Komboka is appreciated by women for household consumption in Kirinyaga and presents a viable alternative in Tana River where it appears to be the only rice variety that is adapted to local agro-ecological conditions. Yet, there remain gaps in realizing wider benefits from promising crop technologies such as Komboka, particularly for women rice farmers. Addressing some of these constraints would require fostering more context-sensitive and gender-responsive approaches that broaden perspectives around seed systems’ performance, to incorporate indicators, such as capacity of seed technologies to reach, benefit and empower different groups of women and men farmers when determining the success of seed system interventions.

随着时间的推移,撒哈拉以南非洲的国际农业倡议不断发展,以开发和推广在产量、营养和气候适应能力方面表现出色的作物品种。其中许多活动是“非洲新绿色革命”(GR4A)的一部分,该计划促进以需求为导向的项目,关注妇女和边缘化家庭,这些家庭以前没有从早期的绿色革命倡议中受益。与此同时,批评者认为GR4A使种子系统的商业正规化,使小农边缘化,并剥夺了他们在农业决策中的代理权。本文介绍了肯尼亚国际稻米合作伙伴关系的研究成果,以展示其活动的性质和影响。研究结果表明,通过与包括农民组织在内的各种主要国家行为体共同决策和相互尊重,共同努力促进横向伙伴关系,Komboka水稻品种(IR05N221)的推广取得了成功。研究还发现,Komboka深受Kirinyaga妇女家庭消费的喜爱,并为Tana River提供了可行的替代方案,因为它似乎是唯一适应当地农业生态条件的水稻品种。然而,在从Komboka等有前途的作物技术中获得更广泛的利益方面,特别是对女性稻农来说,仍然存在差距。要解决其中的一些制约因素,就需要培养对环境更敏感、对性别更敏感的方法,拓宽对种子系统绩效的看法,在确定种子系统干预措施是否成功时,纳入诸如种子技术覆盖、惠及和增强不同男女农民群体的能力等指标。
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引用次数: 0
Migrant injury and temporality: Romanian agricultural migrant workers in Germany 移民伤害与临时性:德国的罗马尼亚农业移民工人
IF 4.3 2区 社会学 Q1 AGRICULTURE, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2026-10-13 DOI: 10.1007/s10460-026-10968-5
Alexandra Voivozeanu

Drawing on the case of Romanian short-term agricultural workers in Germany, this article brings together scholarship on migrant health with work on infrastructure and transnational social protection to examine how bodily harm is produced and experienced across borders. Within the EU framework, it analyzes specifically the interaction between mobility and labor regulations, the resulting healthcare access, as well as harvest rhythms and employer control. As a result of the regulations governing short-term employment in Germany and workers’ frequent lack of insurance coverage in Romania, seasonal workers face a double exclusion from healthcare, leading to the long-term costs of their injuries being passed on to their country of origin. The bodily harm they experience is intensified by the productivity demands of agricultural work and by employer control. The article further shows that while some workers embrace the productivity logics of farms, others navigate a double bind between maximizing immediate income and preserving long-term health.

本文以在德国的罗马尼亚短期农业工人为例,将移徙者健康方面的学术研究与基础设施和跨国社会保护方面的工作结合起来,研究如何产生和经历跨境身体伤害。在欧盟框架内,它具体分析了流动性和劳动法规之间的相互作用,由此产生的医疗保健机会,以及收获节奏和雇主控制。由于德国的短期就业条例和罗马尼亚工人经常缺乏保险,季节性工人面临双重排斥,无法享受医疗保健,导致他们受伤的长期费用被转嫁给原籍国。农业工作对生产力的要求和雇主的控制加剧了她们所遭受的身体伤害。这篇文章进一步表明,虽然一些工人接受农场的生产力逻辑,但其他人在最大化眼前收入和保持长期健康之间徘徊。
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引用次数: 0
Systemic harm and regulatory repair? The migrant labor regime and 2020 occupational safety control act in the German meat industry 系统性损害和监管修复?德国肉类行业的移民劳工制度和2020年职业安全控制法
IF 4.3 2区 社会学 Q1 AGRICULTURE, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2026-10-06 DOI: 10.1007/s10460-026-10981-8
Nora Gottlieb, Laura Niediek, Lisa Berntsen

The meat industry is characterized by precarious employment, hazardous working conditions, and a strong reliance on migrant labor. Combined, these dynamics generate systemic health risks for migrant workers, as exemplified during the COVID-19 pandemic. In an effort to improve working conditions, the German government enacted the Occupational Safety Control Act (OSCA), which banned intermediated work in the industry’s core activities from 2021. Five years on, this article examines how different stakeholders assess the impact of the OSCA through the lens of a migrant labor regime. Empirically, the study draws on qualitative interviews, complemented by ethnographic engagement within a transdisciplinary research network. Conceptually, it links a political-economy perspective on migrant labor regimes – which foregrounds structural relations shaping migrant employment - to an analytical focus on how these structures materialize in, and are reproduced through, workers’ bodily and psychosocial experiences of harm. The findings suggest that workers’ transition into direct employment has led to improvements in employment conditions and certain aspects of occupational safety. However, long-term health harms, informal control practices, and limited worker voice persist. The article argues that these outcomes reflect the continued operation of a precarious migrant labor regime, in which injury and ill health are not merely unintended consequences but integral components of an infrastructure that disciplines and renders migrant labor exploitable. By linking structural regulation to embodied experience, the paper highlights both the limits of legal reform and the importance of addressing injury and inequity as constitutive features of precarious migrant labor regimes.

肉类行业的特点是不稳定的就业,危险的工作条件,并强烈依赖移民劳动力。综合起来,这些动态给移徙工人带来了系统性健康风险,COVID-19大流行期间就是一个例子。为了改善工作条件,德国政府颁布了《职业安全控制法》(OSCA),从2021年起禁止中介工作进入该行业的核心活动。五年来,本文考察了不同的利益相关者如何通过移民劳工制度的视角评估OSCA的影响。从经验上看,该研究利用了定性访谈,辅以跨学科研究网络中的人种学参与。从概念上讲,它将移民劳工制度的政治-经济观点(强调塑造移民就业的结构性关系)与分析重点联系起来,即这些结构如何在工人的身体和心理伤害经历中具体化并通过这些经历再现。研究结果表明,工人向直接就业的转变改善了就业条件和职业安全的某些方面。然而,长期的健康危害、非正式的控制做法和工人发言权有限的问题仍然存在。文章认为,这些结果反映了一种不稳定的移徙劳工制度的持续运作,在这种制度下,受伤和健康状况不佳不仅是意外后果,而且是约束移徙劳工并使其成为可剥削对象的基础设施的组成部分。通过将结构性监管与具体经验联系起来,本文强调了法律改革的局限性,以及将伤害和不平等作为不稳定移民劳工制度的构成特征加以解决的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
Contesting land-based greenhouse gas removal futures: Emerging sociotechnical visions of biochar in UK agriculture 竞争基于土地的温室气体去除的未来:生物炭在英国农业的新兴社会技术愿景
IF 4.3 2区 社会学 Q1 AGRICULTURE, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2026-10-01 DOI: 10.1007/s10460-026-10984-5
Catherine Price, Carol Morris

This paper critically examines the emerging sociotechnical visions of biochar within UK agriculture, focusing on its potential role in greenhouse gas removal (GGR) and the broader net zero agenda. Agriculture is framed as both a significant source of greenhouse gas emissions and a unique sector capable of acting as a carbon sink, positioning it at the heart of debates about climate change mitigation. The paper adopts a sociotechnical visions framework to illuminate how stakeholders align with, contest, and propose alternatives to the dominant net zero sociotechnical imaginary. We identify two overarching sociotechnical visions of biochar in UK agriculture. The first is a sociotechnical vision of greenhouse gas removal through biochar produced at scale and applied to agricultural land, detailing both farmer alignment with and contestation of this approach. The second is a sociotechnical vision of biochar for multiple on-farm benefits, including farm business benefits, enhanced agricultural production and improved on-farm biodiversity. The analysis shows that the future of biochar in UK agriculture is characterised by diversity and contestation, requiring governance frameworks that accommodate multiple, sometimes competing, sociotechnical visions. This pluralism offers opportunities for more just, inclusive, achievable, and transformative pathways for biochar in UK agriculture. Additionally, the paper contributes to the literature on sociotechnical imaginaries and sociotechnical visions by foregrounding the dynamic interplay and negotiation between top-down institutional imaginaries—such as net zero—and emergent, grassroots visions developed by farmers and other agricultural stakeholders.

本文批判性地考察了英国农业中生物炭的新兴社会技术愿景,重点关注其在温室气体去除(GGR)和更广泛的净零议程中的潜在作用。农业被定义为温室气体排放的重要来源,也是一个能够充当碳汇的独特部门,使其处于有关减缓气候变化的辩论的核心。本文采用社会技术愿景框架来阐明利益相关者如何与占主导地位的净零社会技术想象保持一致,竞争并提出替代方案。我们确定了英国农业中生物炭的两个总体社会技术愿景。第一个是通过大规模生产并应用于农业用地的生物炭来消除温室气体的社会技术愿景,详细介绍了农民对这种方法的认同和争议。第二种是生物炭的社会技术愿景,具有多种农场效益,包括农场商业效益、提高农业生产和改善农场生物多样性。分析表明,生物炭在英国农业中的未来具有多样性和争议性的特点,需要能够容纳多种(有时是竞争的)社会技术愿景的治理框架。这种多元化为英国农业中的生物炭提供了更加公正、包容、可实现和变革性的途径。此外,本文通过强调自上而下的制度想象(如净零)与农民和其他农业利益相关者开发的新兴基层愿景之间的动态相互作用和谈判,为社会技术想象和社会技术愿景的文献做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Legitimizing segregation, subsidizing captivity: Mexican state presence in corporate housing policy for farmworkers 合法化隔离,补贴囚禁:墨西哥政府在农场工人的企业住房政策中的存在
IF 4.3 2区 社会学 Q1 AGRICULTURE, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2026-10-01 DOI: 10.1007/s10460-026-10969-4
Gerardo Rodriguez-Solis

In Mexico, agroindustrial enclaves are hyper-segregated landscapes where transnational business groups build and restore overcrowded barracks, militarized bunkhouses, and other precarious housing developments for seasonal agrarian laborers. Disguised as employment benefits, corporate social responsibility practices, and social development initiatives, these agribusiness housing policies have functioned for decades as labor and spatial control measures against migrant farmworkers. Drawing on more than ten years of ethnographic and historical research in Mexico, the article questions these apparently stateless landscapes and policies by spotlighting the systematic actions of government agencies in reproducing agribusiness housing models of precarity, rule, and isolation. The article presents two case studies, a segregationist barracks system in a sugarcane valley and a captivity model of agricultural fields in a grape-exporting desert, to analyze the essential presence of the Mexican state in legitimizing and subsidizing these regional agribusiness housing policies. Bridging anthropological studies of state formation, critical border studies, and the tradition of studying the segregation and settlement of migrant farmworkers in Mexico and worldwide, this article contributes an ethnographic analysis showing that the state is neither absent nor negligent in the everyday operation of violent corporate housing policies. On the contrary, government agencies at different levels administer, monitor, and make legible the segregation and captivity of workers within contemporary agrarian capitalist geographies.

在墨西哥,农业工业飞地是高度隔离的景观,跨国商业集团在那里为季节性农业工人建造和修复过度拥挤的兵营、军事化的工棚和其他不稳定的住房开发项目。这些农业综合企业住房政策伪装成就业福利、企业社会责任实践和社会发展举措,几十年来一直是针对农民工的劳动力和空间控制措施。根据十多年来对墨西哥的民族志和历史研究,本文通过强调政府机构在再现不稳定、统治和孤立的农业综合企业住房模式方面的系统行动,对这些明显无国籍的景观和政策提出了质疑。本文提出了两个案例研究,一个是甘蔗谷中的种族隔离营房制度,另一个是葡萄出口沙漠中的农田圈养模式,以分析墨西哥政府在使这些区域农业企业住房政策合法化和补贴方面的本质存在。将国家形成的人类学研究、批判性边界研究以及墨西哥和世界范围内移民农场工人的隔离和定居研究传统联系起来,本文提供了一种民族志分析,表明国家在暴力公司住房政策的日常运作中既没有缺席,也没有疏忽。相反,不同层次的政府机构管理、监督并使当代农业资本主义地域内工人的隔离和囚禁变得清晰可辨。
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Agriculture and Human Values
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