This article compares the economic development of Shanghai and Hong Kong over the last 150 years in a bid to uncover why Shanghai fell behind Hong Kong despite its head start as an international financial center in the 1920s. It then examines whether Shanghai might eventually catch up with Hong Kong in terms of standard of living, technological innovation, infrastructure, creativity and social cohesion. Both cities were faced with new opportunities after the global financial crisis, and both are aiming at present to extend their capital markets. Although, since the 1990s, economic reforms have given Shanghai a breath-taking makeover, Hong Kong’s fiscal architecture is still more business-friendly. Hong Kong also possesses a higher degree of global exposure, and more efficient and transparent equity markets. Notwithstanding Shanghai’s “open-door” policy and lower cost of living, Hong Kong has proven more attractive to global talent. But Shanghai and Hong Kong will cash in on China’s rise in different ways, and the gap between two cities is therefore likely to narrow. Local Policy-makers are best advised to design complimentary business environments rather than trying to out-perform the other city in its area of strength.
{"title":"Can Shanghai Surpass Hong Kong?","authors":"Niv Horesh (荷尼夫), Shuyu (Susie) Wu (吴舒钰）","doi":"10.5130/pc.v4i1.2847","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5130/pc.v4i1.2847","url":null,"abstract":"This article compares the economic development of Shanghai and Hong Kong over the last 150 years in a bid to uncover why Shanghai fell behind Hong Kong despite its head start as an international financial center in the 1920s. It then examines whether Shanghai might eventually catch up with Hong Kong in terms of standard of living, technological innovation, infrastructure, creativity and social cohesion. Both cities were faced with new opportunities after the global financial crisis, and both are aiming at present to extend their capital markets. Although, since the 1990s, economic reforms have given Shanghai a breath-taking makeover, Hong Kong’s fiscal architecture is still more business-friendly. Hong Kong also possesses a higher degree of global exposure, and more efficient and transparent equity markets. Notwithstanding Shanghai’s “open-door” policy and lower cost of living, Hong Kong has proven more attractive to global talent. But Shanghai and Hong Kong will cash in on China’s rise in different ways, and the gap between two cities is therefore likely to narrow. Local Policy-makers are best advised to design complimentary business environments rather than trying to out-perform the other city in its area of strength.","PeriodicalId":89237,"journal":{"name":"Provincial China","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87852467","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The influx of Chinese into Korea has a long history. The earlier migrants were rapidly absorbed into mainstream Korean society and quickly assimilated. However, the Chinese migrants who arrived in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the huaqiao, chose to maintain their separate, non-Korean identity. This later led to open discrimination towards the huaqiao in post-independence Korea. The adoption of modern nationalism and racial theories in Korea also facilitated the disenfranchisement of the huaqiao, whose loyalty to the Korean national state was suspected and whose economic and social rights were appropriated. The recent revival of Chinese power has led to the mellowing of Korean attitudes towards China and the Chinese. The left-aligned political parties in Korea are especially in favour of cultivating closer ties with China. The composition of the Chinese community in Korea has also been altered by the influx of new migrants from mainland China. This has led to the renaissance of the once moribund Chinese communities in Incheon and Busan, both of which now boast sizable Chinatowns. Yet the huaqiao still face problems with integrating fully into Korean society and being openly huaqiao can still lead to unwelcome attention and prejudice from native Koreans. The integration of the Chinese community in Korea remains a challenge for Korea that still holds firmly to the old nationalist ideology of the 20th century.
{"title":"Politics of Race in East Asia: The Case of Korea and the Chinese community in South Korea","authors":"Hyun Jin Kim","doi":"10.5130/PC.V4I1.2845","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5130/PC.V4I1.2845","url":null,"abstract":"The influx of Chinese into Korea has a long history. The earlier migrants were rapidly absorbed into mainstream Korean society and quickly assimilated. However, the Chinese migrants who arrived in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the huaqiao, chose to maintain their separate, non-Korean identity. This later led to open discrimination towards the huaqiao in post-independence Korea. The adoption of modern nationalism and racial theories in Korea also facilitated the disenfranchisement of the huaqiao, whose loyalty to the Korean national state was suspected and whose economic and social rights were appropriated. The recent revival of Chinese power has led to the mellowing of Korean attitudes towards China and the Chinese. The left-aligned political parties in Korea are especially in favour of cultivating closer ties with China. The composition of the Chinese community in Korea has also been altered by the influx of new migrants from mainland China. This has led to the renaissance of the once moribund Chinese communities in Incheon and Busan, both of which now boast sizable Chinatowns. Yet the huaqiao still face problems with integrating fully into Korean society and being openly huaqiao can still lead to unwelcome attention and prejudice from native Koreans. The integration of the Chinese community in Korea remains a challenge for Korea that still holds firmly to the old nationalist ideology of the 20th century.","PeriodicalId":89237,"journal":{"name":"Provincial China","volume":"293 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79522245","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
It is widely recognised that monetary paper instruments appeared in China earlier than in the West, paper itself having been invented there during the Han era. However, there have been to date few direct scholarly attempts to place the early-modern Western and pre-modern Chinese formative experiences with paper money in detailed comparison by way of attaining a better understanding of the evolution of money as a whole. This article aims to make a tentative first step toward bridging this scholarly gap. It will survey in particular the extent to which the inception of Chinese paper money in 11th-century Chengdu differed from the circumstances in which European paper money emerged. Whilst some similarity between 17th-century Stockholm and 11th-century Chengdu might arguably be traced back insofar as the emergence of paper money is concerned, British banknote issuance subsequently took on new important functions. These, in turn, ushered in our modern "national-debt" economy.
{"title":"From Chengdu to Stockholm: A Comparative Study of the Emergence of Paper Money in East and West","authors":"N. Horesh","doi":"10.5130/PC.V4I1.2844","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5130/PC.V4I1.2844","url":null,"abstract":"It is widely recognised that monetary paper instruments appeared in China earlier than in the West, paper itself having been invented there during the Han era. However, there have been to date few direct scholarly attempts to place the early-modern Western and pre-modern Chinese formative experiences with paper money in detailed comparison by way of attaining a better understanding of the evolution of money as a whole. This article aims to make a tentative first step toward bridging this scholarly gap. It will survey in particular the extent to which the inception of Chinese paper money in 11th-century Chengdu differed from the circumstances in which European paper money emerged. Whilst some similarity between 17th-century Stockholm and 11th-century Chengdu might arguably be traced back insofar as the emergence of paper money is concerned, British banknote issuance subsequently took on new important functions. These, in turn, ushered in our modern \"national-debt\" economy.","PeriodicalId":89237,"journal":{"name":"Provincial China","volume":"37 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81079042","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
On 19 January 2005, Seoul Mayor at the time and South Korea’s president at present, Lee Myung Bak, announced his desire to see the Chinese name for Seoul changed from the traditional rendition of Hancheng （漢城）, to Shouer (首爾). Lee made clear that he was motivated by a simple desire to remove a potential cause for Sino-Korean “confusion.” He further suggested that the principal beneficiary of the name change would be those Chinese in some way connected to Seoul. If Mayor Lee had hoped for an uncontroversial re-naming, he was proven right for the most part. Not only did the Chinese government grant Mayor Lee’s wish quickly and quietly, but regional media outlets also remained notably low-key on the naming issue. This article argues, nonetheless, that there is good reason to believe that Lee’s move was driven by overarching concerns about China’s growing regional clout, and that the significance of Seoul’s name change in Chinese extends well beyond semantics; it can in a sense be seen as a test-case for the PRC’s ability to leverage soft power in the region, and allay the concerns of its neighbours about the implications of its geo-strategic rise.
{"title":"‘Seoul Searching’: The History, Politics and Prejudice behind the Re-naming of Korea’s Capital in Chinese","authors":"Hyun Jin Kim, P. Mauch, N. Horesh","doi":"10.5130/PC.V4I1.2842","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5130/PC.V4I1.2842","url":null,"abstract":"On 19 January 2005, Seoul Mayor at the time and South Korea’s president at present, Lee Myung Bak, announced his desire to see the Chinese name for Seoul changed from the traditional rendition of Hancheng （漢城）, to Shouer (首爾). Lee made clear that he was motivated by a simple desire to remove a potential cause for Sino-Korean “confusion.” He further suggested that the principal beneficiary of the name change would be those Chinese in some way connected to Seoul. If Mayor Lee had hoped for an uncontroversial re-naming, he was proven right for the most part. Not only did the Chinese government grant Mayor Lee’s wish quickly and quietly, but regional media outlets also remained notably low-key on the naming issue. This article argues, nonetheless, that there is good reason to believe that Lee’s move was driven by overarching concerns about China’s growing regional clout, and that the significance of Seoul’s name change in Chinese extends well beyond semantics; it can in a sense be seen as a test-case for the PRC’s ability to leverage soft power in the region, and allay the concerns of its neighbours about the implications of its geo-strategic rise.","PeriodicalId":89237,"journal":{"name":"Provincial China","volume":"38-40 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78291942","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
An outstanding scholar, writer, critic, artist, historian, and social commentator, Lu Xun (1881–1936) is also known for his numerous pseudonyms. However, the significance of these pseudonyms has remained relatively little studied. This paper attempts to examine how these pseudonyms extended their erstwhile political rationale. In so doing, we hope to shed some new light on the understanding of Lu Xun both as a writer and as a man. We argue that localities, allusions and symbolism featured in Lu Xun’s pseudonyms; these not only enrich the literary contexts of his writing, and increase the effectiveness of his discourse, but also contribute – albeit in a subtle way - to the ideological and emotional complexity, sophistication, and paradox of the author as the literary conscience of modern China. Through the fabric of Lu Xun’s pseudonyms, we see how traditional forces are still at play in his reception of Western discourse of modernity; how different places – Shaoxing, Tokyo, Sendai, Beijing, Shanghai, even Europe - are linked and different experiences interwoven to shape who Lu Xun was. Like his writing, Lu Xun’s pseudonyms may be seen as a vortex of modernity in which Chinese tradition, Western influence and historical contingency interact.
{"title":"From Luzhen to Sendai: Locality and Metonym in Lu Xun’s Pseudonyms","authors":"P. Wang","doi":"10.5130/PC.V4I1.2843","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5130/PC.V4I1.2843","url":null,"abstract":"An outstanding scholar, writer, critic, artist, historian, and social commentator, Lu Xun (1881–1936) is also known for his numerous pseudonyms. However, the significance of these pseudonyms has remained relatively little studied. This paper attempts to examine how these pseudonyms extended their erstwhile political rationale. In so doing, we hope to shed some new light on the understanding of Lu Xun both as a writer and as a man. We argue that localities, allusions and symbolism featured in Lu Xun’s pseudonyms; these not only enrich the literary contexts of his writing, and increase the effectiveness of his discourse, but also contribute – albeit in a subtle way - to the ideological and emotional complexity, sophistication, and paradox of the author as the literary conscience of modern China. Through the fabric of Lu Xun’s pseudonyms, we see how traditional forces are still at play in his reception of Western discourse of modernity; how different places – Shaoxing, Tokyo, Sendai, Beijing, Shanghai, even Europe - are linked and different experiences interwoven to shape who Lu Xun was. Like his writing, Lu Xun’s pseudonyms may be seen as a vortex of modernity in which Chinese tradition, Western influence and historical contingency interact.","PeriodicalId":89237,"journal":{"name":"Provincial China","volume":"97 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85271401","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
After thirty years of scholarship on transformations in China under reform, accumulated research capacity demonstrates potential for increased interdisciplinary research and research questions at the interstices of fields. This paper examines one such possibility by assessing urbanization in relation to the dynamics of financial policy and rescaling through the spatial administrative hierarchy. From the perspective of the administrative hierarchy, the discussion observes the conjunctures of de/recentralization in the economy with urbanization through the establishment of new cities. Based on the work of Victor Shih on inflationary cycles, the paper demonstrates coordination of monetary policy with designation of new cities, and ultimately argues that the central government has orchestrated decentralization of economic power in association with planned urbanization as a basis of domestic growth.
{"title":"Urban Growth, Rescaling, and the Spatial Administrative Hierarchy","authors":"C. Cartier","doi":"10.5130/PC.V3I1.2440","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5130/PC.V3I1.2440","url":null,"abstract":"After thirty years of scholarship on transformations in China under reform, accumulated research capacity demonstrates potential for increased interdisciplinary research and research questions at the interstices of fields. This paper examines one such possibility by assessing urbanization in relation to the dynamics of financial policy and rescaling through the spatial administrative hierarchy. From the perspective of the administrative hierarchy, the discussion observes the conjunctures of de/recentralization in the economy with urbanization through the establishment of new cities. Based on the work of Victor Shih on inflationary cycles, the paper demonstrates coordination of monetary policy with designation of new cities, and ultimately argues that the central government has orchestrated decentralization of economic power in association with planned urbanization as a basis of domestic growth.","PeriodicalId":89237,"journal":{"name":"Provincial China","volume":"35 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75577695","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
State-led programs for rural development through tourism serve to reaffirm and reinstate rural spaces as the ideal periphery, a desirable and attractive ‘decorative edge’ to the modern, contemporary Chinese nation. By tracing the ways in which tourism development both centralizes the necessity of modernizing rural regions for the nation as a whole while simultaneously emphasizing the otherness of rural communities in order to promote them as tourist attractions, I seek to understand how the rural appears in Chinese tourism as a central concern of the state, and yet the approach of development programs has been to characterize what is rural as evermore different and distant in order to satisfy perceived tourist desires. The focus of the chapter is the examination of two publications that deal specifically with the formation, significance, and regulation of ‘the rural’ in tourism development: a widely circulated statement from 2006 by the chairman of the China National Tourism Administration, Shao Qiwei, and a guidebook on operating rural tourism businesses by the China Agricultural Press.My analysis considers the practices and ideas suggested by these publications in light of ethnographic observations from two rural ethnic tourism villages.
{"title":"The Appearance of the Rural in China's Tourism","authors":"Jenny Chio","doi":"10.5130/PC.V3I1.2442","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5130/PC.V3I1.2442","url":null,"abstract":"State-led programs for rural development through tourism serve to reaffirm and reinstate rural spaces as the ideal periphery, a desirable and attractive ‘decorative edge’ to the modern, contemporary Chinese nation. By tracing the ways in which tourism development both centralizes the necessity of modernizing rural regions for the nation as a whole while simultaneously emphasizing the otherness of rural communities in order to promote them as tourist attractions, I seek to understand how the rural appears in Chinese tourism as a central concern of the state, and yet the approach of development programs has been to characterize what is rural as evermore different and distant in order to satisfy perceived tourist desires. The focus of the chapter is the examination of two publications that deal specifically with the formation, significance, and regulation of ‘the rural’ in tourism development: a widely circulated statement from 2006 by the chairman of the China National Tourism Administration, Shao Qiwei, and a guidebook on operating rural tourism businesses by the China Agricultural Press.My analysis considers the practices and ideas suggested by these publications in light of ethnographic observations from two rural ethnic tourism villages.","PeriodicalId":89237,"journal":{"name":"Provincial China","volume":"26 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87134333","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper provides an account of the development trajectory of Mianyang City, a prefecture-level administration in the Southwest of China, as relevant to the Chinese government’s two major attempts to develop the country’s vast West, i.e. the ‘Third Front Construction Project’ and the ‘Open Up the West’ Campaign. Based on empirical research, the author argues that the past of socialist construction under Mao should not be dismissed when one tries to understand China’s current prosperity. This paper also provides a local perspective to examine the rather under-viewed development scheme—the ‘Third Front Construction Project’. Although seen as a failed endeavour at macro level, the project’s impacts on local development could be positive and constructive.
{"title":"Mianyang: The Legacy of State Socialism and Local Construction","authors":"Minglu Chen","doi":"10.5130/PC.V3I1.2441","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5130/PC.V3I1.2441","url":null,"abstract":"This paper provides an account of the development trajectory of Mianyang City, a prefecture-level administration in the Southwest of China, as relevant to the Chinese government’s two major attempts to develop the country’s vast West, i.e. the ‘Third Front Construction Project’ and the ‘Open Up the West’ Campaign. Based on empirical research, the author argues that the past of socialist construction under Mao should not be dismissed when one tries to understand China’s current prosperity. This paper also provides a local perspective to examine the rather under-viewed development scheme—the ‘Third Front Construction Project’. Although seen as a failed endeavour at macro level, the project’s impacts on local development could be positive and constructive.","PeriodicalId":89237,"journal":{"name":"Provincial China","volume":"23 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73357163","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Between 1860 and 1945, the Chinese port city of Tianjin became the site of up to nine foreign-controlled concessions, functioning side by side. China historian Ruth Rogaski (2004) has argued that Tianjin's distinctiveness deserves the appellation 'hyper-colony', a term which reflects Tianjin's socio-political intricacies and the multiple colonial discourses of power and space. This article focuses on the multiple layers of historical representations, as well as the discursive and material practices of spatial production that were at stake in the former concessions’ area in Tianjin (1860-1945), with particular attention to the Italian concession. The production of this enclave was informed by the notion of the concession as an Italian-style ‘neighbourhood’: a miniature venue of ‘Italianness’ or ‘Italian spirit’ (Italianità), that seemed to reproduce the imagined community of the newly unified Italian nation in China.
{"title":"Finding the Imagined Motherland in China: The Italian Experience in Tianjin","authors":"M. Marinelli","doi":"10.5130/PC.V3I1.2443","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5130/PC.V3I1.2443","url":null,"abstract":"Between 1860 and 1945, the Chinese port city of Tianjin became the site of up to nine foreign-controlled concessions, functioning side by side. China historian Ruth Rogaski (2004) has argued that Tianjin's distinctiveness deserves the appellation 'hyper-colony', a term which reflects Tianjin's socio-political intricacies and the multiple colonial discourses of power and space. This article focuses on the multiple layers of historical representations, as well as the discursive and material practices of spatial production that were at stake in the former concessions’ area in Tianjin (1860-1945), with particular attention to the Italian concession. The production of this enclave was informed by the notion of the concession as an Italian-style ‘neighbourhood’: a miniature venue of ‘Italianness’ or ‘Italian spirit’ (Italianità), that seemed to reproduce the imagined community of the newly unified Italian nation in China.","PeriodicalId":89237,"journal":{"name":"Provincial China","volume":"52 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77899267","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this issue, Provincial China features work by UTS China Research Centre scholars and associates. The four articles together problematize another assumption about political economy in China – the idea that state policy is top-down, unidirectional, and omnipresent. Working on different topics and from different disciplinary perspectives, each author analyzes a specific state policy to reveal how, rather than supporting a monolithic state structure, policy dynamics demonstrate regional particularity, temporal variability, and institutional complexity. The spatial conditions of policy dynamics vary regionally as well as in relations of scale, i.e., between national interests and their relations with provincial, urban, and local governments. Since China’s developmental model had depended on a strong state, how should we understand conditions of particularity and complexity in state policy? How should we potentially reconsider understanding the state in light of policy variation? These articles generate insightful outcomes.
{"title":"Particularities and Complexities: Unpacking State Policy in Local China","authors":"Mi Shih, C. Cartier","doi":"10.5130/PC.V3I1.2439","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5130/PC.V3I1.2439","url":null,"abstract":"In this issue, Provincial China features work by UTS China Research Centre scholars and associates. The four articles together problematize another assumption about political economy in China – the idea that state policy is top-down, unidirectional, and omnipresent. Working on different topics and from different disciplinary perspectives, each author analyzes a specific state policy to reveal how, rather than supporting a monolithic state structure, policy dynamics demonstrate regional particularity, temporal variability, and institutional complexity. The spatial conditions of policy dynamics vary regionally as well as in relations of scale, i.e., between national interests and their relations with provincial, urban, and local governments. Since China’s developmental model had depended on a strong state, how should we understand conditions of particularity and complexity in state policy? How should we potentially reconsider understanding the state in light of policy variation? These articles generate insightful outcomes.","PeriodicalId":89237,"journal":{"name":"Provincial China","volume":"12 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79996485","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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