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Correction to “The Politics of Accountability in Global Sustainable Commodity Governance: Dilemmas of Institutional Competition and Convergence” 对“全球可持续商品治理中的问责政治:制度竞争与趋同的困境”的修正
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2025-08-04 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.70069

Macdonald, K., Bahruddin, Hartoto, A.S., Unger, C., Cisneros, P., Pugley, D.D. et al. (2024). The politics of accountability in global sustainable commodity governance: Dilemmas of institutional competition and convergence. Global Policy, 15, 838–854. Available from: https://doi.org/10.1111/1758-5899.13426

The name of one of the authors of the article is listed incorrectly. The correct spelling is ‘Dámaris Herrera Salazar’.

We apologize for this error.

Macdonald, K., Bahruddin, Hartoto, a.s., Unger, C., Cisneros, P., Pugley, D.D.等(2024)。全球可持续商品治理中的问责政治:制度竞争与趋同的困境。科学通报,15(5):838-854。可从:https://doi.org/10.1111/1758-5899.13426The文章的作者之一的名字被错误地列出。正确的拼写是Dámaris Herrera Salazar。我们为这个错误道歉。
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引用次数: 0
The New Technopolitics of War: (Re)imagining Agency and Authority in Military Affairs 战争的新技术政治:(重新)想象军事事务中的机构和权威
IF 2.2 3区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2025-07-16 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.70045
Daniel Møller Ølgaard

The growing fascination with so-called emerging and disruptive technologies (EDT) such as artificial intelligence (AI) is already transforming military affairs in profound ways, even if these technologies are not yet properly integrated into military practices and organizations. To make sense of this, the paper examines the sociotechnical imaginaries (STIs) tied to military EDTs and considers their broader political implications. Concretely, it interrogates two distinct albeit interrelated perspectives on how war and military affairs are currently being (re)imagined in light of new technological developments. These are: (1) the emergence of new forms of agency that arise in the interplay between combatants and AI and (2) new forms of political authority that emerge from the growing influence of technology corporations on STIs of war and military affairs. Together, these examples showcase the multifaceted ways in which STIs become entangled with and shape technopolitical transformations in the context of war and military affairs.

人们对人工智能(AI)等所谓的新兴和颠覆性技术(EDT)越来越着迷,即使这些技术尚未适当地融入军事实践和组织,也已经在以深刻的方式改变军事事务。为了理解这一点,本文研究了与军事edt相关的社会技术想象(STIs),并考虑了它们更广泛的政治含义。具体而言,它询问了两种截然不同但相互关联的观点,即在新技术发展的背景下,战争和军事事务目前是如何(重新)想象的。它们是:(1)在战斗人员和人工智能之间的相互作用中出现的新形式的机构;(2)由于科技公司对战争和军事事务的影响越来越大而出现的新形式的政治权威。总之,这些例子表明,在战争和军事事务背景下,sti以多方面的方式与技术政治变革纠缠在一起,并影响着这些变革。
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引用次数: 0
Cooperation Across International Organizations: Effects of Regime Complexity on the Quadripartite of One Health 跨国际组织的合作:制度复杂性对一个健康四方面的影响
IF 2.2 3区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2025-07-16 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.70046
Katharina Lobermeyer

In recent IR literature, the term “regime complexity” has described the phenomenon that international regimes are increasingly overlapping, involving more institutions and actors. Pandemic prevention using a One Health approach represents one example of regime complexity as health threats for humans, animals, and ecosystems become more intertwined, causing a need for widely integrated governance systems. The self-called “Quadripartite of One Health,” consisting of the World Health Organization (WHO), the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), and the World Organization for Animal Health (WOAH, former OIE) represents a unique collaboration in a situation of regime complexity and global health threats. These cooperative structures that evolved along the COVID-19 pandemic were scrutinized by analyzing semi-structured interviews with 10 employees of the organizations and 15 official documents of the four institutions using a tailor-made analysis framework derived from three selected dimensions of regime complexity: competition, legal inconsistencies, and fragmented accountability. Regime complexity is likely causing negative as well as positive effects on the Quadripartite collaboration, confirming some of the selected arguments of regime complexity literature. It was found that despite their efforts to make use of the positive effects that regime complexity brings about, like data-sharing, exchange of expertise, and increased innovation, several negative effects like discrepancies in terms of rules, procedures, human and financial resources, and understandings of mandates, as well as competition and protectionism, were observed.

在最近的国际关系文献中,“制度复杂性”一词描述了国际制度日益重叠的现象,涉及更多的机构和行动者。随着人类、动物和生态系统面临的健康威胁日益交织在一起,需要建立广泛整合的治理系统,使用“同一个健康”方法预防大流行是制度复杂性的一个例子。由世界卫生组织(世卫组织)、联合国粮食及农业组织(粮农组织)、联合国环境规划署(环境署)和世界动物卫生组织(WOAH,前世界动物卫生组织)组成的所谓“一个卫生四方”代表了在制度复杂和全球卫生威胁的情况下的独特合作。通过分析对这些组织的10名员工的半结构化访谈和四家机构的15份官方文件,研究人员对这些在COVID-19大流行期间演变的合作结构进行了仔细审查,使用了一个定制的分析框架,该框架源自制度复杂性的三个选定维度:竞争、法律不一致和支离破碎的问责制。制度复杂性既可能对四方合作产生积极影响,也可能产生消极影响,这证实了制度复杂性文献中所选择的一些论点。人们发现,尽管它们努力利用制度复杂性带来的积极影响,如数据共享、专门知识交流和创新增加,但也注意到一些消极影响,如规则、程序、人力和财政资源、对任务的理解以及竞争和保护主义方面的差异。
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引用次数: 0
Navigating the In-Between Space: The Roles of Chinese Think Tanks in Artificial Intelligence Governance 导航中间空间:中国智库在人工智能治理中的作用
IF 2.2 3区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2025-07-16 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.70053
Qiaochu Zhang

As the global landscape of Artificial Intelligence (AI) governance rapidly evolves, research has increasingly moved beyond state-centric perspectives to investigate the role of non-state actors. This paper focuses on an underexplored category of such actors: think tanks, specifically two prominent Chinese institutions—the China Academy of Information and Communications Technology (CAICT) and the Centre for International Security and Strategy (CISS). Drawing on the Communities of Practice (CoPs) approach, this study investigates how these think tanks shape the emerging governance framework for AI technologies by leveraging their position at the boundaries between various CoPs. Specifically, this position of in-betweenness enables them to influence AI governance through acting as boundary brokers. They bridge different Chinese CoPs—including the government, the private sector, and academia—and, in some cases, international CoPs, facilitating engagement and exchange across these communities. This paper also finds that due to differences in their organisational types and relationships with the Chinese government, CAICT and CISS influence AI governance in subtly distinct ways. This paper contributes to CoP scholarship by examining its applicability in an authoritarian context and is among the first to provide a timely empirical analysis of the role of Chinese think tanks in AI governance.

随着人工智能(AI)治理的全球格局迅速发展,研究越来越多地超越以国家为中心的视角,转而研究非国家行为体的作用。本文关注的是此类行为者中尚未被充分发掘的一类:智库,特别是两家著名的中国机构——中国信息通信技术研究院(CAICT)和国际安全与战略中心(CISS)。利用实践社区(cop)方法,本研究调查了这些智库如何通过利用其在各种cop之间的边界上的地位来塑造人工智能技术的新兴治理框架。具体来说,这种中间位置使他们能够通过充当边界经纪人来影响人工智能治理。它们在不同的中国缔约方之间架起桥梁,包括政府、私营部门和学术界,在某些情况下,还包括国际缔约方,促进了这些社区之间的参与和交流。本文还发现,由于其组织类型和与中国政府关系的差异,CAICT和CISS以微妙不同的方式影响人工智能治理。本文通过考察其在威权背景下的适用性,为CoP学术做出了贡献,并且是第一批及时对中国智库在人工智能治理中的作用进行实证分析的论文之一。
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引用次数: 0
Startups Envisioning Algorithmic Warfare: The Discourses of US Tech Companies in Defense AI 初创公司设想算法战:美国科技公司在国防人工智能方面的言论
IF 2.2 3区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2025-07-16 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.70047
Anna Nadibaidze

The United States (US) military is increasingly collaborating with startups that position themselves as key providers of security technologies, especially technologies under the umbrella term artificial intelligence (AI). As startups specializing in defense AI development increase their influence, portray themselves as authoritative actors, and follow a distinct financial logic from larger defense companies, International Relations (IR) literature needs to investigate these relatively new actors. Inspired by Science and Technology Studies scholarship in IR, this article focuses on the discourses performed by tech startups publicly, arguing that the distinct financial logic underpinning startups, especially those funded by venture capital, incentivizes these actors to engage in discourses which in turn (re)produce and normalize certain visions of algorithmic warfare. Based on an analysis of open-access sources contextualized by expert interviews, the article first discusses the significance of tech startups in defense AI development. Second, it maps out six key US-based actors in this field. Third, it analyzes the main themes featuring in these startups' discourses, namely portraying AI technologies as solutions to the complexities of warfare, championing AI development as a deterrent against the US' competitors, and advocating for changes in US defense acquisition. It concludes with the policy implications of such discourses.

美国军方正越来越多地与初创公司合作,这些初创公司将自己定位为安全技术的主要提供商,尤其是人工智能(AI)下的技术。随着专门从事国防人工智能开发的初创公司的影响力不断增强,将自己描绘成权威的参与者,并遵循与大型国防公司不同的财务逻辑,国际关系(IR)文献需要调查这些相对较新的参与者。受IR科学与技术研究奖学金的启发,本文重点关注科技初创公司公开发表的言论,认为支撑初创公司的独特金融逻辑,尤其是那些由风险资本资助的初创公司,激励这些参与者参与言论,进而(重新)产生和规范某些算法战争的愿景。在对专家访谈的开放获取资源进行分析的基础上,本文首先讨论了科技创业公司在国防人工智能发展中的意义。其次,它列出了该领域的六个主要美国参与者。第三,分析了这些初创公司演讲的主题,即将人工智能技术描述为战争复杂性的解决方案,支持人工智能发展作为对美国竞争对手的威慑,并倡导美国国防采办的变革。文章最后总结了这些论述的政策含义。
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引用次数: 0
An Evolutionary Perspective on the Implementation of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals 联合国可持续发展目标实施的进化视角
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2025-07-11 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.70061
Matthieu Pitteloud, Lafi Aldakak, Frank Rühli, Nicole Bender

The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) were formulated in 2015 by the United Nations to improve human health and achieve sustainable existence at a global level. Failure to reach the SDGs will cause not only increased morbidity and mortality worldwide but also a depletion of natural resources, loss of biodiversity, and irreversible climate warming. Apart from structural and financial barriers, human behavioral reluctance to implement the SDGs is a major challenge. We narratively reviewed and analyzed such behavioral barriers from an evolutionary perspective. One potential explanation of the reluctance to implement the SDGs might be evolved behavioral predispositions that are not consistent with modern, indirectly perceivable threats such as pandemics and climate change. Furthermore, human cooperative behavior did not evolve for long-term cooperation on a global scale. To improve the implementation of the SDGs, it is necessary to develop strategies that are consistent with evolved human behavioral traits.

联合国于2015年制定了可持续发展目标(SDGs),旨在改善人类健康,实现全球可持续发展。如果不能实现可持续发展目标,不仅会导致全球发病率和死亡率上升,还会导致自然资源枯竭、生物多样性丧失和不可逆转的气候变暖。除了结构性和财政障碍外,人类不愿实施可持续发展目标的行为也是一项重大挑战。我们从进化的角度叙述性地回顾和分析了这些行为障碍。对不愿实施可持续发展目标的一个可能解释是,进化出的行为倾向与流行病和气候变化等现代可间接感知的威胁不一致。此外,人类的合作行为并不是为了全球范围内的长期合作而进化的。为了改善可持续发展目标的实施,有必要制定与进化的人类行为特征相一致的战略。
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引用次数: 0
The Trojan Horse of Hybrid Governance: Corporate Power and Global Plastics Governance 混合治理的特洛伊木马:公司权力和全球塑料治理
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2025-07-10 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.70060
Rob Ralston, Jack Taggart

This article examines the emergence of a hybrid institutional complex (HIC) in global plastics governance. By interrogating the structure, features, and contradictions of hybrid global plastics governance, we foreground the de facto orchestrator role of the UN Environmental Programme (UNEP) that promotes multistakeholder partnerships to redress plastic pollution and to realise SDG 12 on Responsible Consumption and Production. However, we contend that embedding voluntary, industry-led multistakeholder initiatives within and through the contested UN Global Plastics Treaty process risks entrenching corporate-friendly governance arrangements at the expense of more stringent governance and systemic transformation. We show how this governance model legitimises weak regulations, promotes voluntary governance that reinforces market norms, and sustains corporate dominance. We thus highlight tensions between procedural mechanisms and substantive sustainability objectives within global plastics governance. Ultimately, we contend that emerging hybrid plastic governance may reinforce, rather than transform, the unsustainable status quo.

本文探讨了全球塑料治理中混合制度复合体(HIC)的出现。通过探讨混合全球塑料治理的结构、特征和矛盾,我们强调了联合国环境规划署(UNEP)事实上的协调作用,即促进多方利益相关者的伙伴关系,以纠正塑料污染,实现关于负责任的消费和生产的可持续发展目标12。然而,我们认为,在有争议的《联合国全球塑料条约》进程中嵌入自愿的、行业主导的多利益相关者倡议,可能会以牺牲更严格的治理和系统性转型为代价,巩固对公司友好的治理安排。我们展示了这种治理模式如何使薄弱的监管合法化,促进加强市场规范的自愿治理,并维持企业的主导地位。因此,我们强调了全球塑料治理中程序机制与实质性可持续性目标之间的紧张关系。最终,我们认为新兴的混合塑料治理可能会加强而不是改变不可持续的现状。
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引用次数: 0
The Business of Pandemic Intelligence: Implications for Global Health Governance 流行病情报的业务:对全球卫生治理的影响
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2025-07-10 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.70050
Katerini Tagmatarchi Storeng

During the Covid-19 pandemic, tech startups emerged as important providers of pandemic intelligence, leveraging diverse data sources and advanced computational methods to advise public policy on disease spread and response strategies. This article presents a case study of two tech startups, Airfinity and BlueDot, situating their rise within the increasing private-sector influence in a domain traditionally dominated by the World Health Organization (WHO) and its national public health agencies. It examines how these firms established epistemic authority through the integration of proprietary data, artificial intelligence and novel expertise, enhancing their scientific credibility and gaining access to key global and national policy arenas and public-sector contracts. The article discusses how the emergence of a commercial market for pandemic intelligence dilutes the WHO's authority within global disease surveillance and raises concerns about outsourcing essential public health insights to the private sector. Further, it explores how the business of pandemic intelligence transforms public health data into commercial products, challenging norms that posit equity and public purpose as basis for the digital transformation of the public health sphere. This analysis contributes to ongoing debates about the technology sector's expanding influence over public health and policy, highlighting the growing role of private power in global governance.

在2019冠状病毒病大流行期间,科技初创公司成为大流行情报的重要提供者,利用各种数据源和先进的计算方法,就疾病传播和应对策略向公共政策提供建议。本文介绍了Airfinity和BlueDot这两家科技初创公司的案例研究,在传统上由世界卫生组织(WHO)及其国家公共卫生机构主导的领域,私营部门的影响力日益增强。它考察了这些公司如何通过整合专有数据、人工智能和新专业知识来建立知识权威,提高其科学可信度,并获得关键的全球和国家政策领域以及公共部门合同。这篇文章讨论了流行病情报商业市场的出现如何削弱了世卫组织在全球疾病监测中的权威,并引发了人们对将重要的公共卫生见解外包给私营部门的担忧。此外,它还探讨了流行病情报业务如何将公共卫生数据转化为商业产品,挑战了将公平和公共目的作为公共卫生领域数字化转型基础的规范。这一分析有助于目前关于技术部门对公共卫生和政策的影响力不断扩大的辩论,突出了私人力量在全球治理中的作用日益增强。
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引用次数: 0
The Belt and Road Initiative and Emerging US-China Rivalries in Africa: The Case of the Lobito Corridor “一带一路”倡议与非洲新兴的美中对抗:以洛比托走廊为例
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2025-07-10 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.70055
Maria Adele Carrai

Within a geopolitical landscape often framed as a nascent cold war between the United States and China, China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is increasingly pivoting towards the Global South, especially Africa and Latin America. This shift comes amid an increase in new competitive infrastructural initiatives, such as the US-led G7 coalition's Partnership for Global Investments and Infrastructures. This article explores the transformations of the BRI and what was its nascent rival under Biden administration, with a particular focus on the Lobito Corridor, which Trump seems to be supporting too for mineral access. It examines the motivations and strategies of the United States, China, and beneficiary nations, and how dynamics between them may unfold. The study finds that the Lobito Corridor exemplifies how the United States was re-entering African infrastructure markets, challenging China's dominance by targeting critical supply chains. The conclusion posits that this corridor signaled a strategic shift in global infrastructure competition, with the United States leveraging it to reassert influence in Africa, potentially recalibrating China's dominance in critical mineral supply chains.

在中美之间的地缘政治格局中,中国的“一带一路”倡议(BRI)越来越多地转向全球南方,特别是非洲和拉丁美洲。这一转变正值新的竞争性基础设施计划增加之际,比如以美国为首的七国集团(G7)联盟的全球投资和基础设施伙伴关系(Partnership for Global Investments and infrastructure)。本文探讨了“一带一路”倡议的转变及其在拜登政府执政期间的新生竞争对手,特别关注洛比托走廊,特朗普似乎也支持该走廊获得矿产资源。它考察了美国、中国和受益国的动机和战略,以及它们之间的动态如何展开。研究发现,洛比托走廊体现了美国如何重新进入非洲基础设施市场,通过瞄准关键供应链挑战中国的主导地位。结论认为,这条走廊标志着全球基础设施竞争的战略转变,美国利用它来重申在非洲的影响力,可能会重新调整中国在关键矿产供应链中的主导地位。
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引用次数: 0
Progressive Rhetoric, Regressive Reality: The IMF's Tax Advice to 125 Countries, 2022–2024 进步的修辞,倒退的现实:国际货币基金组织对125个国家的税收建议,2022-2024
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2025-07-10 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.70052
Alexandros Kentikelenis, Thomas Stubbs

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) has faced scrutiny over the alignment between its public rhetoric and actual policy advice vis-à-vis progressive taxation. This article analyzes the IMF's tax recommendations to 125 countries between 2022 and 2024, drawing on a novel dataset of 1049 tax reform proposals extracted from Article IV surveillance reports. While the IMF has publicly endorsed progressive taxation to reduce inequality and support fiscal sustainability, our findings reveal a disconnect between these statements and on-the-ground advice. High-income countries were more likely to receive progressive tax guidance, whereas low- and middle-income countries were disproportionately advised to implement regressive measures, such as increases in value-added taxes and environmental taxes. Progressive tools like wealth and capital gains taxes were rarely recommended, and when they were, advice was concentrated in high-income contexts. This pattern suggests that IMF tax policy advice continues to reflect orthodox priorities, emphasizing revenue mobilization over equity, and thereby undermining the Fund's professed commitment to inclusive economic policies.

国际货币基金组织(IMF)就-à-vis累进税的公开言论与实际政策建议之间的一致性,面临着密切关注。本文利用从第四条监督报告中提取的1049项税收改革建议的新数据集,分析了IMF在2022年至2024年间对125个国家的税收建议。虽然国际货币基金组织公开支持累进税制以减少不平等并支持财政可持续性,但我们的研究结果显示,这些声明与实际建议之间存在脱节。高收入国家更有可能获得累进税收指导,而低收入和中等收入国家则被不成比例地建议实施累退措施,如增加增值税和环境税。财富税和资本利得税等渐进式工具很少被推荐,即使被推荐,建议也集中在高收入背景下。这种模式表明,基金组织的税收政策建议继续反映正统的优先事项,强调收入动员而不是公平,从而破坏了基金组织对包容性经济政策的公开承诺。
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引用次数: 0
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Global Policy
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